President Barack Obama and Republican Presidential candidate Mitt Romney raised and spent millions of dollars for campaign ads. They logged thousands of miles, crisscrossing the nation, speaking to millions of Americans.
And yet, when the 2012 Presidential race finally ended on November 6, 2012, history recorded the contest was settled with a single video.
It was the infamous “47%” video of Romney speaking–for once, truthfully–at a private fundraiser:
“Well, there are 47% of the people who will vote for the President no matter what. All right? There are 47% who are with him.
“Who are dependent upon government. Who believe that–that they are victims. Who believe that government has a responsibility to care for them.
“Who believe that they’re entitled to healthcare, to food, to housing, to you name it. But that’s–it’s an entitlement.
“…These are people who pay no income tax. 47% of Americans pay no income taxes. So our message of low taxes doesn’t connect. And he’ll be out there talking about tax cuts for the rich.”
A great deal of speculation has centered on: Who filmed it?
And in April, 2013, history repeated itself–with another Republican caught telling the ugly truth behind closed doors.
In this case, it was Kentucky United States Senator Mitch McConnell. A microphone (probably stationed outside his Senate office) caught him discussing how to attack Ashley Judd’s mental health if the actress decided to challenge him in 2014.
“She’s clearly, this sounds extreme, but she is emotionally unbalanced,” a McConnell aide said. “I mean, it’s been documented….She’s suffered some suicidal tendencies. She was hospitalized for 42 days when she had a mental breakdown in the 90s.”
“I assume most of you have played the game Whac-A-Mole,” said McConnell. “This is the Whac-A-Mole period of the campaign…when anybody sticks their head up, do them out.”
McConnell, the Senate Minority Leader, refused to answer reporters’ questions about whether an opponent’s mental health or religious beliefs are fair game in a political campaign.
Instead, he accused “the political left” of mounting “quite a Nixonian move.” An ironic charge, considering that Nixon and McConnell rose to power within the same political party.
As in the case of the Mitt Romney videotape, the focus of the press quickly turned to: Who recorded it?
But this totally missed the point.
It doesn’t matter who provides vital information. What does matter is: Is that information accurate?
In Romney’s case, it opened a window into a world seldom-seen by voters: The world of big-league donors and their money-grubbing political solicitors.
In McConnell’s case, it cast light on the how entrenched politicians ruthlessly defend their turf.
It should be clear that money-grubbing politicians have two versions of campaign speaking: One for donors whose money they seek, and another for the public whose votes they seek.
Rich and greed-obsessed donors (unlike poor and ignorant voters) are too smart to be fobbed off with appeals to their fears and prejudices. They expect a tangible return for their support–namely:
- Lower (preferably no) taxes
- Freedom to pollute
- Freedom to pay their employees the lowest possible wages
- Freedom to treat their employees like serfs
- Freedom to churn out shoddy or even dangerous goods
So what a candidate says in private, to his wealthy donors–or his campaign strategists–reflects what he really means and intends to do.
A similar frenzy of speculation centered on the identity of “Deep Throat”–the legendary source for Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward during the Watergate scandal. For decades, this proved a favorite guessing game for Washington reporters, politicians and government officials.
Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein working on Watergate
In the end, “Deep Throat” turned out to be W. Mark Felt, assistant director of the FBI.
Commentators have endlessly debated his motives for leaking crucial Watergate evidence that ultimately ended the corrupt Presidency of Richard Nixon.
And, in the end, despite all the theories, it didn’t matter.
Felt provided Washington Woodward with the evidence necessary to keep the Watergate investigations going–by both the Post and the FBI.
W. Mark Felt
Thus, the question making the rounds about the McConnell discussion shouldn’t have been: Who taped it?
It should have been: How can more private fundraisers and political strategy sessions be penetrated and recorded–so voters can learn the truth about those who would become our elected rulers?
Definitely, those who specialize in “opposition research” should be thinking hard about this.
Private investigators–who regularly unearth secrets others want to keep secret–might also take an interest in this line of work.
And news organizations should offer financial rewards to those who provide such secret information.
With the advent of billionaires trying to buy the Presidency, and the unwillingness of Congress and the Supreme Court to stop the flow of unsavory money into politics, this may be our only chance to preserve what is left of the Republic.
Anyone who’s ever turned on a light to find roaches scurrying quickly over a kitchen floor knows the truth of this.
Turn on the lights–and watch the roaches scurry away.
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FORTUNE’S FOOL: OBAMA AND THE MID-TERMS: PART ONE (OF TWO)
In History, Politics, Social commentary on November 11, 2014 at 12:00 pmFor most Americans, history is a collection of names, dates and places they were forced to memorize in high school. Then, after passing their history test, they quickly forget everything they had supposedly learned.
But for those who care to understand the world they live in, history serves as an invaluable road map.
It won’t tell you precisely where you are going. But it will tell you where others have gone, and which routes have proven the most effective–or the most ruinous.
This was the view of Niccolo Machiavelli, the father of political science. And, luckily for those generations who came after him, he left a detailed and insightful record of what he had learned from his own study of history.
Niccolo Machiavelli
A major theme running through Machiavelli’s works–most notably The Prince and The Discourses–is the role that Fortune plays in the lives of men.
In Chapter 25 of The Prince he offers the following description of its fickleness:
I think it may be true that fortune is the ruler of half our actions, but that she allows the other half or thereabouts to be governed by us.
I would compare her to an impetuous river that, when turbulent, inundates the plains, casts down trees and buildings, removes earth from this side and places it on the other; every one flees before it, and everything yields to its fury without being able to oppose it.
Still, when it is quiet, men can make provisions against it by dykes and banks, so that when it follows it will either go into a canal or its rush will not be so wild and dangerous.
So it is with fortune, which shows her power where no measures have been taken to resist her, and directs her fury where she knows that no dykes or barriers have been made to hold her.
Like Machiavelli, President Barack Obama also understands the importance of luck. He, more than most politicians, has been extremely lucky in his competition.
Barack Obama
Consider his 2004 race for United States Senator from Illinois.
In the general election, Obama faced Republican Jack Ryan. Ryan seemed a true Golden Boy: He was handsome, popular and a wealthy former Goldman-Sachs partner.
Jack Ryan
And although he was now divorced, he had been married–from 1991 to 1999–to Jeri Ryan. The actress who was/is best-known for her role as the catsuited Borg “Seven-of-Nine” in “Star Trek: Voyager.”
Jeri Ryan as “Seven-of-Nine”
Obama’s candidacy looked doomed. And then the unexpected happened.
The Chicago Tribune and WLS-TV, the local ABC affiliate, filed suit to have the Ryans’ divorce and child custody records released. And they were.
In the custody files, his then-wife, Jeri, charged that Jack had pressured her to perform sexual acts with him at swinger’s clubs in New York, New Orleans, and Paris while other patrons watched.
Jeri described one as “a bizarre club with cages, whips and other apparatus hanging from the ceiling.” And she had steadfastly refused to let Jack assimilate her in so public a setting.
Jack confirmed the trips with the actress but described them simply as “romantic getaways,” denying her claims that he sought public sex.
Ryan had been running against Obama as a clean-cut, “family values” candidate. Suddenly, he found that image fatally tainted.
Days after the release, Ryan withdrew from the race. As his replacement, the Republicans chose Alan Keyes, a black right-winger whom even George W. Bush found to be “a piece of work.”
Obama easily won election with 73% of the votes.
In 2008, Obama ran for President.
For starters, the incumbent holder of the White House–George W. Bush–was by then the most unpopular President since Harry S. Truman in 1953.
For those who wanted a complete change from the Bush legacy, Obama–black, young, highly educated, articulate–offered the embodiment of freshness.
His nominated opponent was Arizona’s Republican United States Senator John McCain. And, once again, Obama got electoral help from the Republican party.
McCain chose Sarah Palin, a two-year Governor of Alaska who roused the GOP’s Right-wing base–but outraged liberals and moderates. Even worse for McCain, Palin’s moronic statements quickly became a target for parody–especially that of “Saturday Night Live” comic Tina Fey.
Obama won the election with 53% of the vote, amassing 365 electoral votes to McCain’s 173.
And then, on August 11, 2012, Mitt Romney, the all-but-anointed Republican nominee for President, gave Obama another Ryan to run against: Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin.
Elected at 28 to Congress in 1998, over the next 12 years he built a reputation as a firm social and budgetary conservative.
And so Romney–thoroughly distrusted by the Rightists in the Republican party–picked Ryan to be his Vice Presidential running mate.
It would prove to be a fateful–and fatal–choice.
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