Yanira Maldonado has been released from a Mexican jail.
She and her husband, Gary, had traveled from Arizona to Mexico to attend a funeral.
They were returning to Arizona when their bus was stopped and searched. Mexican soldiers claimed they found 12 pounds of marijuana under her seat.
Gary Maldonado believes the soldiers were seeking a bribe in return for letting his wife go free.
But then the Mormon mother of seven got an unusually lucky break.
On May 30, security camera footage in court showed Maldonado and her husband boarding a bus in Mexico–and carrying a purse, two blankets and two bottles of water.
Her defense attorney, Francisco Benitez, argued that the images proved that nothing they were carrying could hold the amount of marijuana that Maldonado was accused of smuggling.
The Mexican soldiers who arrested Maldonado didn’t appear in court. They were scheduled to appear on May 29 but didn’t show.
Yanira Maldonado said she didn’t think that she was directly targeted: “Someone smuggled those in there, and I probably sat in the wrong seat.”
To anyone who has seen “Man on Fire,” the 2004 Denzel Washington movie, the possibility that Maldonado was framed in an extortion attempt does not seem far-fetched.
In fact, it’s an everyday occurrence in Mexico, where corruption permeates every aspect of that country’s “war on drugs.”
In “Man on Fire,” Washington plays Marcus Creasy, a former Special Forces soldier hired to bodyguard Pita Ramos, the precocious nine-year-old daughter of wealthy parents.
But in a shootout with kidnappers, Creasy is gravely wounded and Pita (Dakota Fanning) is snatched. Believing her murdered, Creasy sets out to avenge the child he has grown to love as his own.
He draws up a Who’s Who list of criminals engaged in serial kidnapping. And, in doing so, he learns that the biggest criminal gang of all is the Mexican police.
It’s called “La Hermandad” (The Brotherhood).
Creasy snatches a corrupt cop and tortures him (by cutting off several fingers) into giving up the names of some of his top associates. Then Creasy shoots him in the head and moves on to his next target.
Watching all this activity is the Mexican version of the FBI: The Agencia Federal de Investigacion (AFI). Its director, Miguel Manzano, plans to use Creasy to unravel the kidnappers’ network.
While Creasy coolly disposes of one kidnapper or corrupt cop after another, Manzano and his agents keep close tabs on the action. They will let Creasy do the dirty work and move in when the time is right.
After several grisly action sequences–including one where Creasy ambushes police with a Rocket Propelled Grenade (RPG) launcher–Creasy learns the unthinkable: Pita is actually alive.
He kidnaps the brother of the leader of “La Hermandad”–Daniel Sanchez–and offers him a trade: You give me Pita and I’ll give you your brother.
Just as he has brutally traded on the love of others for the lives of their snatched relatives, so, too, must Sanchez now accept such an arrangement.
The trade-off goes down, with Pita rushing into the arms of her overjoyed mother, and with Creasy surrendering himself to members of the Agencia Federal de Investigacion.
Daniel Sánchez is later killed by Miguel Manzano during an AFI raid.
“Man on Fire” is an unrelentingly brutal portrait of a thoroughly corrupt nation.
- Pita’s Mexican father sets up his own daughter for a bogus kidnapping to cheat the insurance company out of the money it’s prepared to pay for “kidnapping insurance.”
- His attorney cheats the kidnappers of the ransome money they had demanded, intending to keep this for himself.
- Two Mexican policemen make up the kidnapping gang that snatches Pita.
- A member of the Mexican Attorney General’s office–who’s assigned to its anti-kidnapping squad, no less–is in on the plot to seize Pita.
- Other members of the Mexican police routinely assist kidnapping gangs in return for a portion of the ransom money.
- Even the Agencia Federal de Investigacion, while portrayed as incorruptable, llows Creasy to eliminate cops and kidnappers as he leads the AFI closer to the head of the criminal network.
One of the few moments of levity–no doubt unintended–in an otherwise humorless movie comes at the start of its end-credits: “A SPECIAL THANKS TO MEXICO CITY, A VERY SPECIAL PLACE.”
“I love Mexico,” Maldonado told reporters after safely arriving in Nogales, Ariz. “My family is still there. So Mexico… it’s not Mexico’s fault. It’s a few people who you know did this to me,” she said.
Perhaps a more accurate analysis of the conditions prevailing in Mexico was given by William von Raab, the U.S. Commissioner of Customs from 1981 to 1989.
In 1986, testifying before a Senate committee on the extent of narcotics corruption in Mexico, Raab said: “There is an ingrained corruption in the Mexican law-enforcement establishment.
“Corruption is so pervasive, that one has to assume every Mexican official is corrupt unless proven otherwise.”
Raab’s assessment should be required reading for every American planning to vacation “down Mexico way.”
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A CHURCHILL FOR OUR TIME: PART TWO (END)
In History, Politics, Social commentary on May 27, 2013 at 6:02 pmDuring the 1930s, Winston Churchill, a seemingly failed politican, repeatedly warned his British countrymen against the growing menace of Nazi Germany.
The leaders of Britain, France and the United States–the three great victors of World War 1–hoped that if they simply ignored the increasingly aggressive behavior of Adolf Hitler, they could somehow escape catastrophe.
Winston Churchill
When, in the early 1930s, Hitler began re-building a powerful German army (Whermacht) in open defiance of the Versallies Treaty that had ended World War 1, Churchill gave warning–and was ignored.
When Hitler ordered his army to occupy his native Austria in 1938, Churchill warned that the Nazis would not be content with the conquest of one nation. And was ignored.
In 1938, Hitler demanded that Czechoslavakia cede the Sudetenland, its northern, southwest and western regions, which were inhabited mostly by ethnic Germans.
Adolf Hitler
When British Prime Minister Nveille Chamberlain surrendered to Hitler’s demands at the infamous “Munich conference,” his fellow Britons were ecstatic. He returned to England as a hero.
Churchill knew better: “Britain and France had to choose between war and dishonor. They chose dishonor. They will have war.”
In March, 1939, the German army occupied the rest of Czechoslovakia.
Hitler next turned his attention to Poland–which he invaded on September 1, unintentionally triggering World War II.
In time, historians and statesmen would regard Munich as an object lesson in the futility—and danger—in appeasing evil and aggression.
It is a lesson that current world leaders have forgotten as Islamic fundamentalists increasingly flex their military and economic muscles–and demand that Western nations bow to their demands.
Winston Churchill’s warnings fell on deaf ears until other world leaders–most notably Franklin Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin–were forced by events to take action.
So did the warnings of Harvard political science professor Samuel P. Huntington.
In 1993, he published an essay in Foreign Affairs called “The Clash of Civilizations?” In this, he argued that the post-Cold War would be marked by civilizational conflict. Among his assertions:
Huntington’s critique of Islamic civilizations ignited a firestorm of controversey–especially his statement: “Islam has bloody borders.”
In 1996, Huntington expanded his thesis into a book–also called The Clash of Civilizations. Once again, he minced no words:
“Some Westerners, including President Bill Clinton, have argued that the West does not have problems with Islam but only with violent Islamist extremists. Fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise.”
Huntington cited British scholar Barry Buzan as giving several reasons for an inevitable war between the West and Islam:
Much of the fury Muslims were directing toward the West, wrote Huntington, was aimed at its embrace of secularism. Westerners were attacked not for being Christian but “for not adhering to any religion at all.”
Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, a quasi-war developed between some Islamic nations and some Western ones. On the Islamic side: Iran, Sudan, Iraq, Libya and Syria. On the Western side: The United States and Britain.
“In this quasi war,” wrote Huntington, “each side has capitalized on its own strengths and the other side’s weaknesses.” For example:
Writing at a time before the United States directed its full military power at conquering Afghanistan and Iraq, Huntington ominously noted:
“During the 15 years between 1980 and 1995…the United States engaged in 17 military operations in the Middle East, all of them directed against Muslims. No comparable pattern of U.S. military operations occurred against the people of any other civilization.”
The war that Huntington warned was coming and was, in fact, already in progress, has since erupted into full-scale conflict, with no end in sight.
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