Eight years after the death of Arnold Schuster in 1952, the lack of a witness security program cost the life of James V. Delmont, a member of the Stefano Magaddino Mafia Family of Buffalo, New York. After slipping from underworld grace, Delmont went on the run for his life.
On June 25, 1959, he appeared at the Miami field office of the FBI, offering a rare trade: Mafia secrets for any intelligence the Bureau had on his pursuers. But the FBI didn’t know what to do with its would-be informant. One agent advised Delmont to re-enter the Mafia as an FBI plant. Delmont angrily rejected that idea, and again took flight.
On May 25, 1960, he made a similar offer to agents of the FBI’s Los Angeles office. They wrote him off as a crank.
Ten days later, Delmont’s body, bearing the marks of a classic Mafia execution (several bullets fired directly into the back of the head), turned up in a field in East Los Angeles. The Intelligence Division of the Los Angeles Police Department conducted a vigorous probe into the slaying, but couldn’t positively identify Delmont’s killers.
Commenting on the significance of the Delmont case, LAPD Sergeant Peter N. Bagoye, an expert on organized crime, noted: “If any police officer still doubts the existence and power of the Mafia, the Cosa Nostra, or whatever you want to call it, just let him read this case.
“This man Delmont spent a year and traveled thousands of miles to escape the vengeance of the Mafia. He left a trail of letters and conversations behind-the first known case in which there is any existing blueprint of how the Syndicate works.”
In 1961, after Robert F. Kennedy became Attorney General, the Justice Department mounted the first effective campaign in its history against organized crime. As part of this effort, the agency began wrestling for the first time with the complex difficulties of creating a protection program for organized crime witnesses.
Robert F. Kennedy
By September, 1963, Kennedy—appearing as a witness during Senate hearings on organized crime and narcotics trafficing—could cite a number of successes by federal lawmen in safeguarding witnesses.
“How long,” asked Maine Senator Edmund S. Muskie, “can the Justice Department protect people who agree to testify?”
“We have taken steps, Senator, to even move people out of the country,” answered Kennedy. “We have provided them with positions and work in other cities where nobody will really have any contact with them. We have arranged to move their families and have their names changed.
“I think we have procedures now where, if an important individual comes forward and is willing to testify, we can give him that kind of protection.”
Such an individual proved to be Joseph Valachi, an aging Cosa Nostra hitman and narcotics trafficker. In 1962, Valachi was an inmate at Atlanta Federal Prison, serving two concurrent sentences totaling thirty-five years for narcotics trafficking. His cellmate was Vito Genovese, then the most powerful Mafia boss in the country.
Vito Genovese
Genovese had been convicted of narcotics conspiracy in 1959 and sentenced to fifteen years’ imprisonment. Now he began suspecting—wrongly—that Valachi was an informer. The reason: After Valachi’s second trial for narcotics trafficking, he had been repeatedly interviewed—against his will—by federal narcotics agents.
One night, in a scene right out of a B-grade Mafia movie, Genovese summoned Valachi to his cell for a private talk.
“You know,” said Genovese, “we take a barrel of apples. And in this barrel of apples, there might be a bad apple. Well, this apple has to be removed. And if it ain’t removed, it would hurt the rest of the apples.” Then he gave Valachi the fabled “kiss of death,” signifying that he was now marked for murder.
Valachi survived what he believed were attempts to poison his food and lure him alone into a shower where he could be stabbed to death. But he knew his luck could not last forever. He decided to take at least one of his enemies with him.
On June 22, 1963, he beat another inmate to death with an iron pipe. Only later did he learn that he had killed the wrong man: John Joseph Saupp, a forger without ties to the mob. It had been Saupp’s bad luck to bear a striking resemblance to another prisoner whom Valachi believed had the contract to kill him.
Valachi grew depressed over having killed the wrong man. He also knew he couldn’t spend the rest of his life in solitary confinement. Desperate, he offered himself as an informant to Robert Morgenthau, the New York U.S. Attorney. Morgenthau, in turn, put him in contact with agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics.
The agents quickly transferred Valachi from Atlanta Federal Prison to the first of a series of military bases. But the sessions between him and the agents went badly. He still blamed them for his imprisonment in 1960. And he believed they had deliberately created a rift between him and Geno
Copyright@1984 Taking Cover: Inside the Witness Security Program, by Steffen White and Richard St. Germain
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In Bureaucracy, History, Politics, Social commentary on May 23, 2013 at 12:37 amTed Cruz voted against federal aid for victims of Hurricane Sandy–three times.
But the United States Senator from Texas quickly announced he would seek “all available resources” to assist victims of the April 17 explosion at as fertilizer plant in West, McLennan County, Texas.
The blast killed 13 people, wounded about 200 others, and caused extensive damages to surrounding homes.
Last October, Hurricane Sandy killed around 150 people and caused an estimated $75 billion in damage across the Northeast.
The Republican legislator stood foursquare against the Sandy Aid Relief bill, claiming that it was loaded with “pork”:
“Hurricane Sandy inflicted devastating damage on the East Coast, and Congress appropriately responded with hurricane relief,” said Cruz.
“Unfortunately, cynical politicians in Washington could not resist loading up this relief bill with billions in new spending utterly unrelated to Sandy.
“Emergency relief for the families who are suffering from this natural disaster should not be used as a Christmas tree for billions in unrelated spending, including projects such as Smithsonian repairs, upgrades to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration airplanes, and more funding for Head Start.
“This bill is symptomatic of a larger problem in Washington–an addiction to spending money we do not have. The United States Senate should not be in the business of exploiting victims of natural disasters to fund pork projects that further expand our debt.”
Another Republican, Rep. Bill Flores, who represents West, also voted against the Sandy relief package. But this didn’t stop him from requesting federal aid for the disaster in his home district.
U.S. Senator Ted Cruz (R-Texas)
Cruz and Flores are not alone in their fiscal hypocrisy.
Oklahoma’s two U.S. Senators– Jim Inhofe and Tom Coburn, both right-wing Republicans–have also repeatedly voted against funding disaster aid for other parts of the country.
Oklahoma U.S. Senators Jim Inhofe and Tom Coburn
They have also opposed increased funding for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which administers federal disaster relief.
Both Inhofe and Coburn backed a plan to slash disaster aid to victims of Hurricane Sandy.
In a December, 2012 press release, Coburn said that the Sandy Relief bill contained “wasteful spending,” and identified a series of items he objected to, including “$12.9 billion for future disaster mitigation activities and studies.”
Inhofe, a Republican, argued that the Hurricane Sandy bill was loaded with pork.
“They had things in the Virgin Islands. They were fixing roads there, they were putting roofs on houses in Washington, D.C. Everybody was getting in and exploiting the tragedy that took place. That won’t happen in Oklahoma,” Inhofe said on MSNBC.
The Sandy relief bill initially contained money for projects outside of areas damaged by Sandy–as bribes to Republicans to get it through Congress.
But Federal relief aid is a different matter entirely to Inhofe when the victims come from his own state.
A May 20, 2-mile-wide tornado ravaged the Oklahoma City suburb of Moore, killing at least 51 people while destroying entire tracts of homes and trapping two dozen school children beneath rubble.
For Inofe, aiding his constituents would be “totally different” from providing aid to Sandy victims.
“Everyone was getting in and exploiting the tragedy that took place,” he said. “That won’t happen in Oklahoma.”
As for Coburn: In a statement, he said that “as the ranking member of Senate committee that oversees FEMA, I can assure Oklahomans that any and all available aid will be delivered without delay.”
For Rep. Peter King (R-New York this hypocrisy is simply too much to swallow quietly.
“I think there’s a lot of hypocrisy involved here, Inhofe saying Sandy aid was corrupt but Oklahoma won’t be,” said King, whose state was devastated last October by Sandy.
For King, natural disasters such as Hurricane Sandy and the Oklahoma tornado are not “local issues”: “It’s an American issue, we have an obligation to come forward.”
He said that he didn’t plan to exact revenge on those who had denied New Yorkers aid after Sandy.
“I won’t hold it against anyone,” King said. “I don’t want suffering people in Oklahoma to be held hostage while we engage in political fights, saying ‘I told you so.’ I want to deal with it on the merits.”
All of which highlights how the principle of YIMBY–Yes In My Back Yard–is very much alive, even for alleged fiscal hawk Republicans. At least, when their own constituents are the victims in need.
Because needy constituents who go unaided quickly become angry constituents who remember that lack of aid at the next election.
It’s something to remember the next time right-wingers take a hard line on spending bills to help the poor or victims of natural disasters.
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