Hell hath no fury like a bureaucrat enraged.
On March 14, John Morton, the director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), admitted to Congress that, for three weeks in February, his agency had released 2,228 illegal aliens from immigration jails.
Previously, the Obama administration had claimed that only “a few hundred immigrants” had been released.
The alleged reason: Automatic budget cuts required by the Congressionally-imposed sequestration.
“We were trying to live within the budget that Congress had provided us,” Morton told lawmakers. “This was not a White House call. I take full responsibility.”
Morton and other agency officials spoke during a hearing by the House subcommittee on Homeland Security.
ICE officials had previously claimed that illegal aliens were routinely released. But Rep. John Carter, R-Texas, the subcommittee’s chairman, didn’t buy this.
Carter pressed Morton about the claim. And Morton admitted that the release of more than 2,000 illegal aliens was not routine.
Carter was rightly angered–more aliens were released in Texas than in any other state.
But, in hindsight, he shouldn’t be surprised. This is usually how bureaucracies react when forced to carry out decisions they dislike.
Consider two such incidents during the Presidency of John F. Kennedy.
John F. Kennedy
In April, 1962, U.S. Steel raised its prices by $6 a ton, and other American steel companies quickly followed suit.
Convinced that the price-raise would be inflationary, Kennedy demanded that the steel companies rescind it. When the companies refused, JFK was furious: “My father always told me all businessmen were sonsofbitches, but I never belileved him till now.”
Then he turned to his brother, Robert, then the Attorney General. And RFK, in turn, turned to J. Edgar Hoover, the director of the FBI.
RFK had run the Justice Department since January, 1961. Hoover had run the FBI since 1924.
And by now, he and Hoover detested each other.
J. Edgar Hoover and Robert F. Kennedy
Kennedy had been pressing the FBI to greatly expand its efforts against organized crime and violators of civil rights laws.
Hoover had long maintained there was no nationwide Mafia, only a loose assembly of hoodlums whose crimes did not fall under federal jurisdiction.
And Hoover–a staunch segregationist–wanted nothing to do with enforcing civil rights laws.
There were also differences in style between the two men which highlighted their mutual animosity. RFK was 36 in 1962; Hoover was 67. RFK was accustomed to showing up for work in his shirt sleeves; Hoover was always attired in a business suit.
RFK didn’t hesitate to pop into offices–including those of FBI agents–and start asking questions about cases he cared about. Hoover demanded adherence to a rigid chain-of-command, with himself at its top.
RFK bellieved that the steel companies had illegally colluded to fix prices. He told Hoover he wanted a full field investigation opened immediately into the steel companies.
As RFK put it: We’re going for broke…their expense accounts, where they’ve been a|nd what they’ve been doing…the FBI is to interview them all …we can’t lose this.”
He ordered the collection of evidence–both personal and professional–from the homes and offices of steel executives.
Hoover saw an opportunity to embarrass RFK while supposedly carrying out orders: He ordered FBI agents to visit the homes of steel executives in the middle of the night. Even reporters covering the crisis got late-night calls from the Bureau.
On April 13, beginning with Inland Steel, all of the steel companies informed the White House of their decision to refrain from price increases.
But the President’s victory soon turned sour. The press assailed the “Gestapo” tactics he had used against the steel companies. A cartoon that appeared in the New York Herald Tribune summed it up.
In it, Kennedy’s press secretary, Pierre Salinger, tells the President: “Khrushchev said he liked your style in the steel crisis.” JFK was so outraged that he canceled the White House subscription to the Tribune.
The FBI scored another victory at the Kennedys’ expense through Robert’s pursuit of organized crime.
RFK wanted the FBI to share its vast treasury of intelligence with other Federal law enforcement agencies charged with pursuing the Mob. But Hoover refused, claiming the FBI’s files were too sensitive to entrust to other agencies. And he threatened to resign if pushed too far on this.
This deprived Federal organized crime “strike forces” of essential intelligence.
Hoover, desperate to make up for lost time in pursuing organizeed crime investigations, called on the same tactics he had used against the Communist Party.
He ordered his agents to secretly install wiretaps and electronic bugs in mob hangouts across the country. This allowed the FBI to quickly learn who was who and doing what in the otherwise impenetrable world of the Mafia.
But in 1965, word leaked out that the FBI had bugged numerous casinos in Las Vegas. The Bureau faced serious embarrassment.
Hoover, the master bureaucrat, blamed RFK. He claimed that the Attorney General (who had retired from office in 1964 and become the junior Senator from New York) had authorized him to install bugs and wiretaps.
RFK–who was trying to remake himself as a liberal politician–was hugely embarrassed.
The antagonism between Kennedy and Hoover lasted until the day Kennedy died–on June 6, 1968, after being shot while running for President.


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COLD LIVE BULLIES: PART ONE (OF TWO)
In Bureaucracy, History, Politics, Social commentary on April 1, 2013 at 12:06 amBullies do not like to be mocked.
Anyone who doubts this need only examine the Right’s reaction to actor Jim Carrey’s recent “Cold Dead Hand” music video.
In this, Carrey–a strong advocate of gun control–mocks the National Rifle Association (NRA) and its right-wing allies.
These include rural America and (for the video’s purposes) the late actor Charlton Heston, who served as the NRA’s five-term president (1998-2003).
Jim Carrey as Charlton Heston
The video features Carrey and alt-rock band Eels as “Lonesome Earl And The Clutterbusters,” a country band on a TV set modeled after the 1960s variety show, “Hee Haw.” Carrey also portrays Heston as a dim-witted, teeth-clenching champion of the NRA.
“I find the gun problem frustrating,” Carrey said in a press release, “and ‘Cold Dead Hand’ is my fun little way of expressing that frustration.”
Carrey’s frustration has triggered NRA outrage.
Click here: Jim Carrey’s Pro-Gun Control Stance Angers Conservatives
Fox News personality Greg Gutfeld ranted: “He is probably the most pathetic tool on the face of the earth and I hope his career is dead and I hope he ends up sleeping in a car.
“This video made me want to go out and buy a gun. He thinks this is biting satire going after rural America and a dead man… He’s a dirty, stinking coward… He’s such a pathetic, sad, little freak. He’s a gibbering mess. He’s a modern bigot.”
Columnist Larry Elder spared no venom in attacking Carrey: “Let’s be charitable–call Carrey ignorant, not stupid.”
Click here: Jim Carrey: Not ‘Dumb & Dumber,’ Just Ignorant
Much of his March 29 column centers on defending Heston, who died at 84 in 2008.
A lyric in Carrey’s song says “Charlton Heston’s movies are no longer in demand.” This prompts Elder to defend the continuing popularity of Heston’s 1956 movie, “The Ten Commandments,” where he played Moses.
Elder feels compelled to defend Heston’s off-screen persona as well, citing his 64-year marriage to his college sweetheart, Lydia.
On the other hand, writes Elder, Carrey, “followed the well-worn Hollywood path: Get famous; get rich; dump the first wife/mother of your kid(s), who stood by you during the tough times; and act out your social life in the tabs to the embarrassment of your kid(s).”
Clearly, Carrey’s video has struck a nerve with Right-wing gun fanatics. But why?
Start with Gutfield’s accusation that Carry was “going after rural America.”
Rural America–home of the most superstitious, ignorant and knee-jerk Fascist elements in American society–boastfully refers to itself as “The Heartland.” In short: a prime NRA and Rightist constituency.
It was rural America to which Senator Barack Obama referred–accurately–during his 2008 Presidential campaign:
“They get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.”
Second, there’s Elder’s outrage that Carrey should dare to say that Heston’s movies “are no longer in demand.”
On a personal note: I have long enjoyed many of Heston’s movies and have been lucky enough to see several of his epics in a movie theater.
Among these: “Major Dundee,” “El Cid,” “Khartoum,” “The War Lord.” And even the hammiest film for which he is best-known: “The Ten Commandments.”
In a film career spanning 62 years, Heston vividly portrayed such historical characters as:
And he played fictitious characters, too:
Heston was a widely respected actor who won the Academy Award for Best Actor in 1959 for “Ben Hur” and servecd as the president of the Screen Actors Guild from 1965 to 1971.
Yet even if I disdained Heston’s talents as an actor (and some movie critics did, finding him limited in range and wooden) it would be my right, under the First Amendment, to say so.
But it was not Heston’s film career that Carrey focused on–but his role as president of the NRA.
Charlton Heston at the NRA convention
Ironically, Heston had identified himself with liberal causes long before he became the face and voice of the gun lobby.
In 1961, he campaigned for Senator John F. Kennedy for President. In 1963, he took part in Martin Luther King’s March on Washington.
In 1968, after the assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy, he joined actors Kirk Douglas, James Stewart and Gregory Peck in issuing a statement supporting President Lyndon Johnson’s Gun Control Act of 1968.
But over the coming decades, Heston became increasingly conservative: Reportedly voting for Richard Nixon in 1972; supporting gun rights; and campaigning for Republican Presidential candidates Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush.
When asked why he changed political alliances, Heston replied “I didn’t change. The Democratic party changed.”
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