Witness-protection has a long and bloodstained history–with the blood belonging to early witnesses against the Mafia.
Fortunately, that has since changed. Today the Witness Security Program, operated by the U.S. Marshals Service for the Justice Department, is the world’s most sophisticated and effective means of protecting organized crime witnesses.
But before there was the Program (otherwise known as WITSEC), witness-security was provided by local police departments.
Abe “Kid Twist” Reles became the first important mobster to betray the secrets of the Mafia—and the first to die for doing so.
Abe Reles
Since his first arrest at sixteen in 1924, Reles had been in almost constant trouble with the law. His police record listed forty-two arrests, including six for murder. He had been sent to prison six times.
What his police record failed to disclose was that, for the last ten years, he had been a highly-paid assassin for Murder, Inc., the execution squad of the New York Mafia.
Then, in early 1940, Reles and two of his fellow killers were arrested and indicted for the 1936 gangland slaying of Alex “Red” Alpert. Now facing almost certain conviction and death in the electric chair, Reles decided to cut a life-saving deal, even if it came at the Mafia’s expense.
On March 31, 1940, more than forty days after his arrest, Reles sent his wife to the office of Brooklyn District Attorney William O’Dwyer. Her message: “My husband wants an interview with the law.”
The politically-ambitions O’Dwyer ordered Reles’ immediate release from his cell in the Tombs in Manhattan. Guards then rushed the killer to the office of the district attorney.
There Reles demanded a private interview with O’Dwyer to propose a nonnegotiable deal: he would tell the prosecutors everything they wanted to know about the Mafia. More importantly, he agreed to testify in court against his fellow mobsters.
In exchange, he demanded the immediate dropping of all charges against him. He also insisted on immunity from prosecution on the basis of any testimony that he or anyone else might give. Finally, once his career as a witnesses ended, he must be granted his complete freedom.
O’Dwyer quickly agreed to these conditions. Then he ordered that his new prize witness be placed under heavy, constant police guard.
Abe Reles opened his confessions with the details of 50 gangland murders. His photographic memory cited the names of the victims—and their killers. He also remembered the names of those who had ordered the killings. And he supplied names of others who could corroborate his testimony.
Altogether, Reles’ first gush of testimony lasted 12 days and filled 25 stenographic notebooks.
For the first time, prosecutors learned how the Mafia had turned murder into a lucrative, smoothly-operating business.
In 1930, the chiefs of the five most powerful Mafia “families” in New York had created an execution squad to enforce underworld discipline. Its targets were informers and rival mobsters.
Commanding this squad were the dreaded labor racketeers Albert “The Lord High Executioner” Anastasia and Louis “Lepke” Buchalter.
For ten years, the squad’s killers roamed the nation, carrying out perhaps as many as 9,000 executions. Police were baffled; there didn’t seem any motive for the killings. The victims lacked any known ties to their killers, and the assassins usually lived far from the scenes of their carnage.
“Lepke” Buchalter not only turned murder into a business, he adopted business terms to serve as an underworld code. An assignment to murder was a “contract”; a “hit” was the actual murder; and the “bum” or “mark” was the victim.
Each killer was known as a “hitman,” and earned $1,000 to $5,000 per hit. The amount depended on the status of the victim and the risks involved in his execution.
The killers drew on their own expense accounts and coverage by generous injury insurance and family-care funds. In the rare event of their arrest, highly-paid attorneys rushed to their defense. And they could count on their fellow assassins to remove any troublesome prosecution witnesses.
The Mafia not only had its own execution squad; it also ran a “hideout network” for mobsters on the run from the law. Such fugitives could quickly obtain jobs—and even new identities—through organized crime groups in other cities or states.
If necessary, they could go permanently underground as “legitimate” employees of mob-owned unions or businesses. As a result, organized crime boasted a “new identities” program vastly superior to anything existing for organized crime witnesses until 1967.
Copyright@1984 Taking Cover: Inside the Witness Security Program, by Steffen White and Richard St. Germain

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SYRIA: A WARNING FROM HISTORY
In Entertainment, History, Military, Politics, Social commentary on June 1, 2013 at 4:48 pmOn May 27, Arizona U.S. Senator John McCain secretly entered Syria and met with commanders of the Free Syrian Army, who are fighting forces loyal to “President” Bashar al Assad for control of the country.
He was the first U.S. senator to travel to Syria since civil war erupted there in 2011. And after he left, he told CNN that he was more convinced that the United States must become more involved in the country’s conflict.
Earlier this year, on March 21, House Foreign Affairs ranking Democrat Eliot Engel (D-NY) and House Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Rogers (R-MI) introduced the “Free Syria Act of 2013,” calling on the Obama administration to arm the Syrian rebels.
Not so fast, says Dr. James J. Zogby, the founder and president of the Arab American Institute. A Washington, D.C.-based organization, it serves as the political and policy research arm of the Arab American community.
In a June 1 column entitled, “Stop the Madness,” Zogby lays out the essential truths about this increasingly confusing self-slaughter:
“What began as a popular revolt against a brutal and ossified dictatorship, Syria has now degenerated into a bloody battlefield pitting sects and their regional allies against each other in a ‘dance unto death.’
“On the one side, is the Ba’ath regime, supported by Russia, Iran, Hizbullah, and elements in the Iraqi government.
“Arrayed against them are a host of Syrians (some of whom have defected from the armed forces and others who have formed militias receiving arms and support from a number of Arab states and Turkey) and a cast of thousands of foreign Sunni fighters (some of whom have affiliated with al Qaeda) who have entered Syria to wage war on behalf of their brethren.”
And then Zogby warns:
“This deadly zero-sum game is both dangerous and fatally flawed, because in reality this is a war that no one can win, and the consequences of continuing it will only make the situation worse.”
The neocons of the George W. Bush administration plunged the United States into an unprovoked war against Iraq in 2003. After Baghdad quickly fell, Americans cheered, thinking the war was over and the troops would soon return home.
They didn’t count on Iraq’s descending into massive inter-religious strife, with Shia Muslims (who comprise 65% of the population) squaring off against Sunni ones (who make up 35%).
Suddenly, American soldiers found themselves fighting a two-front war in the same country: Fighting an Iraqi insurgency to throw them out, while trying to suppress growing sectarian warfare between Sunnis and Shia.
Once again, Americans are being urged to plunge headfirst into a conflict they know nothing about–and in which they have absolutely no stake.
It’s all very reminiscent of events in the 1966 epic film, “Khartoum,” starring Charlton Heston as British General Charles George Gordon.
In 1884, the British Government sends Gordon, a real-life hero of the Victorian era, to evacuate the Sudanese city of Khartoum. Mohammed Achmed, a previously anonymous Sudanese, has proclaimed himself “The Madhi” (The Expected One) and raised the cry of jihad.
The Madhi (played by Laurence Oliver) intends to drive all foreigners (of which the English are the largest group) out of Sudan, and exterminate all those Muslims who did not practice his “pure” version os Islam.
Movie poster for “Khartoum”
Gordon arrives in Khartoum to find he’s not fighting a rag-tag army of peasants. Instead, the Madhi is a highly intelligent military strategist.
And Gordon, an evangelical Christian, also underestimates the Madhi’s religious fanaticism: “I seem to have suffered from the delusion that I had a monopoly on God.”
A surprised Gordon finds himself and 30,000 Sudanese trapped in Khartoum when the Madhi’s forces suddenly appear. He sends off messengers and telegrams to the British Government, begging for a military relief force.
But the British Government wants nothing to do with the Sudan. It had sent Gordon there as a sop to British public opion that “something” had to be done to quell the Madhist uprising.
The siege continues and tightens.
In Britain, the public hails Gordon as a Christian hero and demands that the Government send a relilef expedition to save him. Prime Minister William Gladstone finally sends a token force–which arrives in Khartoum two days after the city has fallen to the Madhi’s forces.
Gordon, standing at the top of a staircase and coolly facing down his dervish enemies, is speared to death.
When the news reaches England, Britons mourn–and then demand vengeance for the death of their hero.
The Government, which had sought to wash its hands of the poor, militarily unimportant Sudan, suddenly has to send an army to avenge Gordon.
As the narrator of “Khartoum” intones at the close of the film: “For 15 years, the British paid the price with shame and war.”
Americans have been fighting in the Middle East since 2001–first in Afghanistan to destroy Al Qaeda, and then in Iraq, to pursue George W. Bush’s vendetta against Saddam Hussein.
The United States faces a crumbling infastructure, record high unemployment and trillions of dollars in debt. It’s time for Americans to clean up their own house before worrying about the messes in other nations–especially those wholly alien to American values.
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