Joseph Valachi was the first member of the Mafia to talk publicly about its secrets.
But before that happened, he had to be persuaded to open up. The men who first got that assignment were agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs.
But the sessions between him and the agents went badly. He blamed them for his imprisonment on drug charges in 1960. And he believed they had deliberately created a rift between him and his cellmate, “Boss of all Bosses” Vito Venovese.
Then the FBI intervened. Under pressure from Attorney General Robert Kennedy to combat the crime syndicates, the Bureau took an aggressive interest in Valachi.
Seeing him as a potential breakthrough in organized crime intelligence, the FBI cited its greater area of jurisdiction and successfully lobbied the Justice Department to take charge of the new informant.
Valachi’s disclosures proved worthless as prosecution evidence. They were too dated, and too many of the leading mobsters who figured in them were now dead or retired.
But as strategic intelligence, they were invaluable.
Valachi provided federal lawmen, for the first time, with an insider’s account of the history, membership and operations of organized crime.
Many veteran law enforcement agents were shocked: The shadowy world of the Cosa Nostra was far more extensive and powerful than they had dared imagine.
More important, in Joseph Valachi himself, the Justice Department finally had tangible proof of an organized crime network. The very existence of the Mafia had long been hotly debated within law enforcement.
Chief among the believers in such a criminal empire had been Harry Anslinger, director of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics.
Anslinger’s certainty that the Mafia existed grew out of his agents’ constant struggles against mobsters importing narcotics into the United States. His agency had compiled elaborate dossiers on many of these mobsters, and had sent many others to prison.
By far the most important “debunker” of this belief was J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Hoover insisted that there was no “national crime confederation,” only loosely-knit groups of criminals whose apprehension was best left to local law enforcers.
J. Edgar Hoover
Hoover’s refusal to admit the existence of the Mafia has long been the subject of heated debate. Some theorists believe he feared that his “Boy Scout” agents would be corrupted by Mafia bribes.
Others argue that he had been compromised by Mafia bribes or blackmail (the latter through his alleged homosexual relationship with Clyde Tolson, his second-in-command at the FBI).
Still others claim that Hoover simply couldn’t accept that other federal, state and local police agencies had discovered a criminal empire that his own agents had somehow overlooked.
A major reason for the continuing debate over the existence of organized crime lay in the refusal of mob informants to testify as courtroom witnesses. Abe Reles had been an exception, but he had given his testimony twenty years ago, and only for the State of New York.
More importantly, Reles never appeared before a Senate investigating committee—and on live television.
Joseph Valachi did. In September, 1963, he became the Senate’s star witness in its hearings on organized crime and narcotics trafficking.
By that time, the mob was offering $100,000 for his life. To guarantee that no one collected on this contract, federal lawmen turned the Senate Caucus Room into a bodyguards’ convention.
Before Valachi entered the room, FBI agents and deputy U.S. marshals screened the audience for suspicious types or known underworld figures. While Valachi testified, marshals and capital police filled most of the first eight rows behind him. Other lawmen were scattered throughout the building.
Joseph Valachi
Whenever Valachi left the witness chair, twenty deputy marshals accompanied him everywhere—even during trips to the restroom. And after each day’s proceedings, a fast-moving caravan of police cars returned him to his heavily-guarded cell at the District of Columbia Jail.
During the nearly three years that federal agents interrogated Joseph Valachi, the Justice Department spent more than $167,908 guarding, transporting and maintaining him.
But the money was well-spent: when Valachi died in 1971 at La Tuna Federal Prison, near El Paso, the cause was a heart attack. And federal lawmen had proven they could guarantee protection for those who betrayed the secrets of the Mafia.
Other organized crime witnesses for the Justice Department didn’t fare so well.
In 1965, two years after Valachi’s appearance before the Senate, Attorney General Nicholas deB. Katzenbach, who had succeeded Robert Kennedy, informed a shocked Congress: “We must dismiss [organized crime cases] because key witnesses or informants suffer ‘accidents’ and turn up, for example, in a river wearing concrete boots.
“Such accidents are not unusual. We have lost more than twenty-five informants in this and similar ways in the last four years. We have been unable to bring hundreds of other cases because key witnesses would not testify for fear of the same fate.”
Copyright@1984 Taking Cover: Inside the Witness Security Program, by Steffen White and Richard St. Germain
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SYRIA: A WARNING FROM HISTORY
In Entertainment, History, Military, Politics, Social commentary on June 1, 2013 at 4:48 pmOn May 27, Arizona U.S. Senator John McCain secretly entered Syria and met with commanders of the Free Syrian Army, who are fighting forces loyal to “President” Bashar al Assad for control of the country.
He was the first U.S. senator to travel to Syria since civil war erupted there in 2011. And after he left, he told CNN that he was more convinced that the United States must become more involved in the country’s conflict.
Earlier this year, on March 21, House Foreign Affairs ranking Democrat Eliot Engel (D-NY) and House Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Rogers (R-MI) introduced the “Free Syria Act of 2013,” calling on the Obama administration to arm the Syrian rebels.
Not so fast, says Dr. James J. Zogby, the founder and president of the Arab American Institute. A Washington, D.C.-based organization, it serves as the political and policy research arm of the Arab American community.
In a June 1 column entitled, “Stop the Madness,” Zogby lays out the essential truths about this increasingly confusing self-slaughter:
“What began as a popular revolt against a brutal and ossified dictatorship, Syria has now degenerated into a bloody battlefield pitting sects and their regional allies against each other in a ‘dance unto death.’
“On the one side, is the Ba’ath regime, supported by Russia, Iran, Hizbullah, and elements in the Iraqi government.
“Arrayed against them are a host of Syrians (some of whom have defected from the armed forces and others who have formed militias receiving arms and support from a number of Arab states and Turkey) and a cast of thousands of foreign Sunni fighters (some of whom have affiliated with al Qaeda) who have entered Syria to wage war on behalf of their brethren.”
And then Zogby warns:
“This deadly zero-sum game is both dangerous and fatally flawed, because in reality this is a war that no one can win, and the consequences of continuing it will only make the situation worse.”
The neocons of the George W. Bush administration plunged the United States into an unprovoked war against Iraq in 2003. After Baghdad quickly fell, Americans cheered, thinking the war was over and the troops would soon return home.
They didn’t count on Iraq’s descending into massive inter-religious strife, with Shia Muslims (who comprise 65% of the population) squaring off against Sunni ones (who make up 35%).
Suddenly, American soldiers found themselves fighting a two-front war in the same country: Fighting an Iraqi insurgency to throw them out, while trying to suppress growing sectarian warfare between Sunnis and Shia.
Once again, Americans are being urged to plunge headfirst into a conflict they know nothing about–and in which they have absolutely no stake.
It’s all very reminiscent of events in the 1966 epic film, “Khartoum,” starring Charlton Heston as British General Charles George Gordon.
In 1884, the British Government sends Gordon, a real-life hero of the Victorian era, to evacuate the Sudanese city of Khartoum. Mohammed Achmed, a previously anonymous Sudanese, has proclaimed himself “The Madhi” (The Expected One) and raised the cry of jihad.
The Madhi (played by Laurence Oliver) intends to drive all foreigners (of which the English are the largest group) out of Sudan, and exterminate all those Muslims who did not practice his “pure” version os Islam.
Movie poster for “Khartoum”
Gordon arrives in Khartoum to find he’s not fighting a rag-tag army of peasants. Instead, the Madhi is a highly intelligent military strategist.
And Gordon, an evangelical Christian, also underestimates the Madhi’s religious fanaticism: “I seem to have suffered from the delusion that I had a monopoly on God.”
A surprised Gordon finds himself and 30,000 Sudanese trapped in Khartoum when the Madhi’s forces suddenly appear. He sends off messengers and telegrams to the British Government, begging for a military relief force.
But the British Government wants nothing to do with the Sudan. It had sent Gordon there as a sop to British public opion that “something” had to be done to quell the Madhist uprising.
The siege continues and tightens.
In Britain, the public hails Gordon as a Christian hero and demands that the Government send a relilef expedition to save him. Prime Minister William Gladstone finally sends a token force–which arrives in Khartoum two days after the city has fallen to the Madhi’s forces.
Gordon, standing at the top of a staircase and coolly facing down his dervish enemies, is speared to death.
When the news reaches England, Britons mourn–and then demand vengeance for the death of their hero.
The Government, which had sought to wash its hands of the poor, militarily unimportant Sudan, suddenly has to send an army to avenge Gordon.
As the narrator of “Khartoum” intones at the close of the film: “For 15 years, the British paid the price with shame and war.”
Americans have been fighting in the Middle East since 2001–first in Afghanistan to destroy Al Qaeda, and then in Iraq, to pursue George W. Bush’s vendetta against Saddam Hussein.
The United States faces a crumbling infastructure, record high unemployment and trillions of dollars in debt. It’s time for Americans to clean up their own house before worrying about the messes in other nations–especially those wholly alien to American values.
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