In Bureaucracy, History, Law, Military, Politics, Social commentary on October 23, 2017 at 11:58 am

In 1991, director Oliver Stone ignited renewed controversy about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963.

His film, “JFK,” presented the murder as the result of a conspiracy involving almost everyone. It starred Kevin Costner as idealistic New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison.

By contrast, the real Garrison was reputedly linked to the Mafia.  In 1973, Garrison was tried and found not guilty  for accepting bribes to protect illegal pinball machine operations.

Garrison’s “search for the truth” targeted a businessman named Clay Shaw. On March 1, 1969, Shaw was unanimously acquitted less than one hour after the case went to the jury

To gauge historical accuracy of “JFK”: Stone gave Garrison an eloquent final speech to the jury—a speech he never delivered.

Jim Garrison.jpg

Jim Garrison

But the public hysteria triggered by the film led Congress to pass the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act in 1992.  As a result, millions of pages of documents related to the assassination were made public in the 1990s—but not all.

About 3,100 never-before-seen documents—and the full text of more than 30,000 files previously released only in part—have been unavailable until now. Most of those documents were created inside the CIA, the FBI and the Justice Department. Under the law they must be released, in full, by October 26 unless President Donald Trump decides otherwise.

But for investigative reporter Gus Russo, the secrets behind Kennedy’s murder are no mystery.

Russo is the author of Live By the SwordThe Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK. Published in 1998, it is almost certainly the definitive account of the Kennedy assassination.

Russo reaches some startling—but highly documented—conclusions.  Among these:

  • “John and Robert Kennedy knew what they were doing. They waged a vicious war against Fidel Castro–a war someone had to lose.” 
  • The loser turned out to be John F. Kennedy. 
  • Their war began immediately after taking office on January 20, 1961. 
  • On April 17, 1961, more than 1,400 Cuban invaders–backed by American air power—landed JOINT at the Bay of Pigs. They were quickly overwhelmed, with hundreds of the men taken prisoner.
  • Although it’s commonly believed that the Cuban Missile Crisis ended America’s  efforts to overthrow Fidel Castro, this was not true. 
  • While continuing the campaign of sabotage throughout Cuba, the Kennedys were preparing a fullscale American invasion of the island—just one month before the November, 1964 Presidential election.  

John F. and Robert F. Kennedy

  • On October 4, 1963, the Joint Chiefs of Staff submitted its latest version of the invasion plan, known as OPLAN 380-63.  Its timetable went:
  • (1) January, 1964:  Infiltration into Cuba by Cuban exiles. (2) July 15, 1964:  U.S. conventional forces join the fray. (3) August 3, 1964: All-out U.S. air strikes on Cuba. (4) October 1, 1964: Full-scale invasion to install “a government friendly to the U.S.” 
  • Oswald, a former Marine, was a committed Marxist–whose hero was Castro. 
  • The CIA’s ongoing campaign to overthrow and/or assassinate Castro was an open secret throughout the Gulf.
  • Oswald visited New Orleans in the spring of 1963. 
  • There he learned that Castro was in the crosshairs of the CIA.
  • For this, he blamed John F. Kennedy.
  • Oswald told his Russian-born wife, Marina: “Fidel Castro needs defenders. I’m going to join his army of volunteers.”
  • Lee Harvey Oswald assassinated Kennedy.
  • He did it alone. 
  • Jack Ruby, a Dallas nightclub owner, murdered Oswald because he was distraught over Kennedy’s death.
  • Ruby was not part of a Mafia conspiracy to silence Oswald.
  • Skeptics of the Warren Commission–which concluded that Oswald had acted alone–asked the wrong question: “Who killed Kennedy?”
  • According to Gus Russo, they should have asked: “Why was he killed?”
  • And his answer: “The Kennedys’ relentless pursuit of Castro and Cuba backfired in tragedy on that terrible day in November, 1963.”
  • Following the JFK assassination, there was a cover-up.
  • Its purpose: To protect the reputation of the United States Government—and that of its newly-martyred President.
  • The CIA and FBI concealed the CIA-Mafia assassination plots against Castro from the Warren Commission assigned to investigate Kennedy’s murder.
  • Other government officials participating in the cover-up included Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy and President Lyndon B. Johnson.
  • Ironically, this secrecy ignited the widespread–and false–belief that the President had died at the hands of a government conspiracy.
  • Robert Kennedy feared that his relentless pursuit of Castro might have led Castro to “take out” JFK first.
  • Robert Kennedy’s fears and guilt were compounded by the fact that, while waging war on Castro, he had waged an equally ruthless crusade against organized crime. 
  • He knew that some of the mobsters he had tried to send to prison had played a major role in the CIA’s efforts to “hit” Castro. Had the Mafia–believing itself the victim of a double-cross–put out a “contract” on JFK instead? 
  • It was a question that haunted RFK until the day he died.
  • Fearing his own assassination if he continued Kennedy’s efforts to murder Castro, President Johnson ordered the CIA to halt its campaign to overthrow and/or assassinate the Cuban leader.

Other legacies of America’s twisted obsession with Cuba

  • The huge Cuban community throughout Florida–and especially Miami–continues to exert a blackmailing influence on American politics.
  • Unwilling to risk their own lives, they hope that a Right-wing President will order the military to overthrow the Castro regime. 


    A controversial work about the JFK assassination alleged that rogue CIA operatives had been behind the president’s murder, A. J. Weberman and Michael Canfield’s Coup d’Etat in America, first published in 1975. The reference appeared on page 41, read as follows:

    “After the assassination, an informer for the Secret Service and the FBI who had infiltrated a Cuban exile group and was in the process of selling them machine guns, reported that on November 21, 1963 he was told, ‘We now have plenty of money-our new backers are the Jews-as soon as they take care of JFK.’ This man had furnished reliable information in the past.”

    Who did this source mean when he referred to “the Jews”? The source meant Jewish gangsters-such as Meyer Lansky-who had a stake in reviving their Cuban gambling interests that they lost when Fidel Castro came to power. This is the logical answer.
    The CIA was primarily responsible, working hand-in-hand with certain elements in “the Mafia” and also in the anti-Castro Cuban movement.

    In David Scheim’s book, Contract on America, contends that “the Mafia” was solely responsible for the JFK assassination, the same quote is referenced in the Weberman and Canfield book.

    Scheim’s rendition of the quote deleted the reference to the alleged Jewish backers of the Cuban plotters.

    A new biography of organized crime figure Meyer Lansky was entitled Little Man:
    Meyer Lansky and the Gangster Life.

    The book-prepared in cooperation with Lansky’s family-was little more than a puff piece for the deceased thug. Gossipy, full of inside information, and even entertaining at times, the book still somehow seemed to be missing a lot.

    Hank Messick’s biography of Lansky shows that Meyer Lansky was not just another gangster. He was “the chairman of the board” of organized crime.

    All of the Mafia figures that had been repeatedly implicated in the JFK assassination were, in fact, Lansky’s front-men-his subordinates, his underlings. In short, if “the

    Mafia” had a hand in the killing of JFK, then Lansky had to have been one of the key players. Lansky’s preeminent role was ignored or otherwise under-played.

    Why would Israel have an interest in participating in the JFK assassination conspiracy? That was the burning question.
    John F. Kennedy-before his death-was in a pitched battle with Israel. In fact, Kennedy was at war.

    This was something that long-time JFK assassination researchers had no reason to know about. Much of the material had long been classified. It was a secret-a deep, dark secret.

    Some of JFK’s communications with then-Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion are still classified. Not even top-level intelligence officials with special security clearance have been allowed access to these potentially explosive documents.

    The long and close relationship between Israel and JFK’s foes at the CIA is something which is becoming more and more known to the general public. JFK’s own war with the CIA is common knowledge.

    At the time of the president’s assassination, however, the depth and breadth of the CIA’s relationship with Israel’s Mossad was not so commonly known. Israel’s allies in the Lansky Syndicate had much deeper relations with the CIA than most researchers have realized.

    It is the little-discussed Permindex connection to the JFK assassination which is the tie that binds-the final proof that Israel’s Mossad was at the center of the assassination conspiracy.
    In the Permindex connection we find all of the critical elements which tie Israel’s Mossad, the CIA and organized crime together in close-knit intrigue linked directly to the murder of President Kennedy.
    Although researchers, over the years, have devoted much time and energy to pursuing a wide variety of questions relating to the JFK assassination controversy they have steered clear of the Permindex connection.

    Those who have made any reference to Permindex have described it as some sort of “neo-Nazi” entity-even a remnant of Hitler’s SS – but, as we shall see, nothing could be further from the truth.

    To understand the forces behind the Permindex connection is to understand the answer to the biggest mystery of this century: the question of who killed John F. Kennedy.


    Clay Shaw – If New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison had been permitted to carry out an unimpeded investigation and prosecution of Shaw, a CIA contract operative and a former director of the International Trade Mart in New Orleans implicated in involvement with Lee Harvey Oswald, David Ferrie, Guy Banister and other figures central to the JFK assassination conspiracy, Garrison would have divined Shaw’s connections – through a shadowy corporation known as Permindex – to not only the Israeli Mossad, but also the international crime syndicate of Israeli loyalist Meyer Lansky.

    Louis M. Bloomfield – Based in Montreal, Bloomfield was a long-time intelligence operative and a front man for the powerful Bronfman family interests. The Bronfmans were not only key international backers of Israel but also long-time figures in the Lansky crime syndicate. Bloomfield, one of the foremost figures in the Israeli lobby in Canada and one of Israel’s leading international operatives, not only served as the chief shareholder in the Permindex Corporation on whose board of directors Clay Shaw served, but also had intimate ties to American intelligence.

    Tibor Rosenbaum – One of the “godfathers” of the state of Israel and the first director for finance and supply for Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad, Rosenbaum was a prime financial angel behind the Permindex corporation. His Swiss banking concern, the Banque De Credit International, also served as the chief European money laundry or the global crime syndicate of Miami-based crime chief Meyer Lansky.

    John King – A close business associate of Tibor Rosenbaum’s protégé and sometime front man, Bernard Cornfeld, King showed up in New Orleans in the early stages of Jim Garrison’s investigation-before Clay Shaw’s name had come up-and sought to persuade Garrison (through a bribery attempt) to give up the inquiry. Fortunately he failed in his scheme.

    David Ben-Gurion – Prime Minister of Israel; resigned his post in disgust with JFK’s stance toward Israel, in April of 1963; he said JFK’s position threatened Israel’s very survival.

    Yitzhak Shamir – A long-time Mossad officer (based largely at the Mossad’s chief European office in Paris), Shamir headed the Mossad’s assassination squad at the time of the JFK assassination. A former French intelligence officer has charged that Shamir himself arranged the hiring of JFK’s actual assassins through a close ally in French intelligence.

    Menachem Begin – In 1963, Begin (later prime minister of Israel) was a roving Israeli diplomat; prior to JFK’s assassination he was overheard conspiring with Meyer Lansky’s California henchman, Mickey Cohen, in a conversation that suggested hostile intentions by Israel against the American president.
    Luis Kutner – Although known largely as a “mob lawyer,” (who was long and closely associated with Jack Ruby, a sometime-client) Kutner also doubled as an international intelligence operative and functioned as an advisor to an ad hoc pro-Israel lobby group in the United States.

    A. L. Botnick – Head of the New Orleans office of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, an intelligence and propaganda arm for Israel’s Mossad; a close associate of New Orleans-based CIA contract operative Guy Banister who helped create Lee Harvey Oswald’s preassassination profile as a “pro-Castro” agitator. Evidence suggests that Banister’s manipulation of Oswald may have been carried out under the guise of an ADL “fact-finding” operation.

    Arnon Milchan – Israel’s biggest arms dealer, Milchan was “executive producer” (i.e. chief financial angel) of Oliver Stone’s Hollywood fantasy about the JFK assassination-a fact which may explain Stone’s aversion to exploring the Israeli connection to the affair.

    Maurice Tempeisman – The international diamond merchant and Mossad operative who became the lover of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis and used his connections to double-perhaps triple-her substantial fortune, thereby co-opting the Kennedy family forever.

    Rudolph Hecht – An owner of the CIA-linked Standard Fruit concern, Hecht was a prominent figure in the New Orleans Jewish community and as chairman of the board of directors of the International Trade Mart was Permindex board member Clay Shaw’s primary sponsor.

    James Jesus Angleton – Angleton, the CIA’s long-time chief of counterintelligence, was the CIA’s primary high-level conspirator in the murder of President Kennedy and the subsequent cover-up. Angleton, who had been co-opted by and was totally loyal to the Israeli Mossad, played a major role in the effort to frame Lee Harvey Oswald. Final Judgment is the first JFK assassination study to delve into Angleton’s role in the conspiracy.

    David Atlee Phillips – A long-time high-level CIA official, Phillips was the CIA station chief in Mexico City at the time a strange effort was underway to implicate Lee Harvey Oswald as a Soviet KGB collaborator. If anyone in the CIA knew the truth about Oswald, it was Phillips. He confessed publicly that the story about Oswald being in Mexico City was not precisely what the CIA had long claimed.

    E. Howard Hunt – Long-time CIA officer and liaison to the anti-Castro Cuban exiles. Testimony by ex-CIA contract operative Marita Lorenz placed Hunt in Dallas, Texas the day before the president’s assassination. The full truth about Hunt’s actual involvement in the affair may never be known, but there is no question that Hunt was deeply involved in the intrigue surrounding the president’s murder. Evidence does indeed indicate that there was a conscious effort to frame Hunt for involvement in the crime.

    Guy Banister -The former FBI agent-turned-CIA contract operative whose New Orleans office was a central point for international intrigue involving the CIA, the anti-Castro Cuban exiles and the anti-DeGaulle forces in the French Secret Army Organization (OAS). Under Banister’s direction, Lee Harvey Oswald established a public profile for himself as a “pro-Castro” agitator in the streets of New Orleans.

    David Ferrie – An enigmatic adventurer and CIA contract operative, Ferrie was closely involved with Lee Harvey Oswald during Oswald’s stay in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, working alongside Oswald out of Banister’s headquarters. The investigation of Ferrie by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison ultimately led to Garrison’s discovery of Permindex board member Clay Shaw’s ties to both Ferrie and Oswald.

    Marita Lorenz – A former CIA contract operative, she testified under oath that one day prior to the assassination of President Kennedy she arrived in Dallas in an armed caravan of CIA-backed Cuban exiles who were met by not only Jack Ruby, who later killed Lee Harvey Oswald, but also CIA official E. Howard Hunt.

    Guillermo & Ignacio Novo – Two brothers, veterans of the CIA-backed Cuban exile wars against Fidel Castro. According to Marita Lorenz, the Novo brothers were part of the armed caravan that arrived in Dallas one day before the assassination of President Kennedy. Many years after Dallas, the Novos were later convicted of participating in the murder of a Chilean dissident in collaboration with international adventurer Michael Townley who himself had ties to high-level figures implicated in the JFK conspiracy.

    John Tower – In 1963 Tower was a newly-elected Republican U.S. Senator from Texas with close ties to the CIA. Shortly after the assassination he told associates of his own inside knowledge of the bizarre story of what really happened in Dealey Plaza. The story told by Tower suggests strongly that there were many unseen forces at work, manipulating many of the key players in the JFK assassination conspiracy. It was not until the release of Final Judgment that Tower’s name was ever connected to the mystery surrounding the JFK assassination.

    Victor Marchetti – A high-ranking CIA official who left the agency in disgust, Marchetti later made a career writing about the CIA. In a 1978 article he charged that the CIA was about to frame its long-time operative, E. Howard Hunt, with involvement in the JFK assassination. A libel suit resulting as a consequence of Marchetti’s article resulted in a climactic finding by a jury that the CIA had been involved in the assassination of the president.

    Robin Moore – A journalist with long-standing close ties to the CIA, Moore co-authored former CIA man Hugh McDonald’s book, LBJ and the JFK Conspiracy which promoted James Jesus Angleton’s false claim that the KGB was behind the president’s murder-another of the disinformation stories that emerged following the assassination.

    Meyer Lansky – Chief executive officer and de facto “treasurer” of the international crime syndicate; active in gun-running on behalf of the Israeli underground; collaborated closely with American intelligence on a number of fronts; later settled in Israel. Researchers who have claimed that “the Mafia Killed JFK” have pointedly refused to acknowledge Lansky’s preeminent positioning in the underworld.

    Carlos Marcello – The head of the Mafia in New Orleans, Marcello owed his status to Meyer Lansky who was his chief sponsor in the crime syndicate. Marcello could not have orchestrated the JFK assassination-as some suggest-without Lansky’s explicit approval.

    Seymour Weiss – Meyer Lansky’s chief bagman and liaison with the political establishment in Louisiana, he later served as a director of the CIA-linked Standard Fruit Company and may actually have been a high-ranking CIA contract operative in New Orleans at the time of the JFK assassination.

    Sam Giancana – The Mafia boss of Chicago, Giancana was a player in the CIA-Mafia plots against Castro; later murdered, probably at the behest of Santo Trafficante, Jr. His family says that Giancana admitted having been involved in the planning of the JFK assassination.

    Santo Trafficante, Jr. – Although best known as the head of the Mafia in Tampa, Trafficante actually functioned as Meyer Lansky’s chief lieutenant in the crime syndicate and as Lansky’s liaison with the CIA in the Castro assassination plots.

    Johnny Rosselli – A roving “ambassador” for the Mafia, Rosselli was the primary conduit between the CIA and the mob in the plots against Fidel Castro; may have arranged the murder of Sam Giancana for Trafficante and was later murdered himself.

    Mickey Cohen – Meyer Lansky’s West Coast henchman; Jack Ruby’s role model and a gun-runner for the Israeli underground, Cohen collaborated closely with Israeli diplomat Menachem Begin prior to the JFK assassination;. Cohen arranged for John F. Kennedy to meet actress Marilyn Monroe who was assigned the task of finding out JFK’s private views and intentions toward Israel.

    Jack Ruby – A long-time functionary for the Lansky syndicate, Ruby was the Lansky connection man in Dallas and also engaged in CIA-linked gunrunning to the anti-Castro Cuban exiles. Evidence suggests there is more to Ruby’s sudden “death” than meets the eye.

    Jim Braden – A veteran personal courier for Meyer Lansky, Braden was almost assuredly in contact in Dallas with Jack Ruby prior to the JFK assassination. He was briefly detained in Dealey Plaza minutes after the president’s murder, but those JFK assassination researchers who have mentioned Braden prefer to cast him as a “Mafia” figure rather than as Lansky’s man on the scene in Dallas.

    Al Gruber – A henchman of Meyer Lansky’s West Coast operative, Mickey Cohen, Gruber and Ruby spoke by telephone just shortly before Ruby killed Lee Harvey Oswald. It is believed that Gruber gave Ruby the contract on Oswald on behalf of his superiors.

    Charles DeGaulle – Repeatedly targeted for assassination by Israeli-allied forces in French intelligence and in the Secret Army Organization (OAS) who were angry that DeGaulle had granted independence to Arab Algeria. The Mossad-sponsored Permindex operation that also had a hand in the murder of JFK, laundered money used in the assassination attempts on DeGaulle.

    Georges deLannurien – High ranking official in the SDECE, the French intelligence
    agency; pinpointed by a former French intelligence officer as the individual who (at the best of Mossad assassinations chief Yitzhak Shamir) contracted the hit team who killed JFK in Dallas.

    Michael Mertz – A former French SDECE officer and the Paris connection for the Lansky-Trafficante heroin syndicate; alleged to have been one of the actual gunmen in Dallas on November 22, 1963. Said by some to be the legendary CIA contract killer, QJ/WIN.

    Jean Soutre – A liaison for the French OAS with the CIA’s E. Howard Hunt, Soutre maintained contact with Guy Banister’s CIA- and mob-linked gun-running headquarters in New Orleans. Soutre may have been in Dallas at the time of the JFK assassination. There is evidence linking Soutre to James Jesus Angleton’s intrigue inside the CIA that affected French intelligence in a dramatic way.

    Thomas Eli Davis III – A world-traveling mercenary with apparent links to both Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald, Davis was taken into custody by the Algerian government for his subversive activities alongside Israeli agents in supplying weapons to the French OAS just prior to the JFK assassination. It is said that CIA operative QJJWIN (possibly Michael Mertz, one of the reputed assassins of President Kennedy) helped secure Davis’s release from prison.

    Geoffrey Bocca – A former propagandist for the OAS, Bocca later co-authored former CIA contract agent Hugh McDonald’s book, Appointment in Dallas, which pointed the blame for the JFK assassination away from those who were actually responsible-the first of two suspect books put out by McDonald.

    Christian David – A French Corsican criminal associated with reputed JFK assassin Michael Mertz, David has claimed knowledge of a French hit team involved in the JFK assassination. David himself was the chief suspect in the murder of a Moroccan dissident, Mehdi Ben-Barka, whose killing was orchestrated by the Israeli Mossad through anti-DeGaulle forces in French intelligence.

    Mark Lane – Retained by Lee Harvey Oswald’s mother to represent her son’s interests before the Warren Commission, Lane’s book Rush to Judgment was the first major critique of the Warren Commission Report. In a libel suit filed against The Spotlight newspaper by former CIA operative E. Howard Hunt, Lane proved to the satisfaction of a jury that the CIA had indeed been involved in the JFK assassination. His best-selling book Plausible Denial outlined the circumstances of that libel suit and its ultimate conclusion.

    Gary Wean – A former detective on the Hollywood beat of the Los Angeles Police Department, Wean discovered how Meyer Lansky’s West Coast henchman, Mickey Cohen, was conspiring against John F. Kennedy on behalf of the Israelis. In a meeting with the former sheriff of Dallas County, Bill Decker, Wean learned a portion of the truth about what really happened in Dallas.

    Edgar & Edith Stern – Close friends of Clay Shaw, major financial backers of the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, and owners of the WDSU media empire in New Orleans that not only played a major role in giving vast publicity to Lee Harvey Oswald’s preassassination profile as a “pro-Castro agitator” but later sought to undermine Jim Garrison’s investigation of Clay Shaw.

    Johann Rush – As a young WDSU cameraman, Rush was on the scene to record Oswald’s “pro-Castro” activities. He emerged-many years later-as the brains behind a “computer-enhanced” version of the famous Zapruder film of the JFK assassination that author Gerald Posner cited as “proof’ that Oswald acted alone in the president’s murder.

    Drew Pearson – Accused by his own mother-in-law of being a “mouthpiece” for the pro-Israel ADL, Pearson had close ties to not only the Israeli lobby, but also the CIA and to President Lyndon Johnson and his cronies. It was Pearson who floated an unlikely story that Fidel Castro was behind the JFK assassination and who also played a major influence in shaping Earl Warren’s perceptions of the tragedy.

    Jack Anderson – As protégé of Drew Pearson, Jack Anderson likewise had strange connections that might have biased his own reportage on the JFK affair. Since 1963 Anderson has promoted a number of conflicting versions about “who really killed JFK” ranging from “the Mafia” to Fidel Castro or a combination of both.

    Jack Newfield – A liberal columnist and some-time JFK assassination buff, Newfield has been a likewise long-standing devotee of Israel. He made a big splash with a highly fantastic story that missing Teamster boss Jimmy Hoffa had “ordered” two Mafia figures to arrange the killing of President Kennedy. Not surprisingly, Newfield’s ridiculous story was given wide play in the Establishment media.

    Oliver Stone – His Hollywood extravaganza, JFK, gave the public a fullblown, full-color, gory-in-every-detail conspiracy theory on the JFK assassination. Yet, Stone’s presentation of the conspiracy was far from complete and failed to reach any firm conclusions. He deliberately suppressed the “French connection” which, in turn, was the long-hidden Israeli connection. Not only was Stone’s chief financial backer Israel’s leading arms dealer but also his film distribution company had its origins in the Lansky crime syndicate. What’s more, one of the chief shareholders in the film company was none other than Bernard Cornfeld, long-time associate of Permindex figure Tibor Rosenbaum
    Frank Mankiewicz – This former publicist for the Israeli Mossad-linked Anti-Defamation League had a peculiar part in the events that took place prior to the murder of Robert F. Kennedy. Then when Oliver Stone began promoting his film JFK, Mankiewicz popped up as his key public relations man.

    Anthony Summers – Author of one book hinting that the Kennedy family were responsible for the death-maybe the murder-of actress Marilyn Monroe, Summers wrote another book on the JFK conspiracy. In neither book did Summers reveal explosive information (of which he was aware) that could have helped point the direction of those same forces which played a part in both crimes.

    Robert Morrow – A former CIA contract operative who played a major role in activities on the periphery of the JFK assassination conspiracy, Morrow’s book on his experiences is rife with detail, yet suspect in the eyes of many who had looked into his claims. Morrow’s book absolves the key CIA conspirator, James J. Angleton, of involvement in the JFK conspiracy and portrays him as being “out of the loop” when, in fact, precisely the opposite was true. Is it a coincidence that Morrow’s book publisher is an American affiliate of an Israeli publishing company?

    G. Robert Blakey – An unlikely choice to serve as director of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, Blakey had, just two years previously, served as a character witness for a long-time close associate of crime boss Meyer Lansky. When it came time to point the blame in the JFK assassination, Blakey targeted Lansky’s protégé, New Orleans Mafia boss, Carlos Marcello, but looked no further. Blakey, likewise, found no role by the CIA-or any other intelligence agency-in the JFK assassination.

    David Scheim – The author of a book that pins the murder of President Kennedy on “the Mafia,” Scheim refuses to acknowledge Permindex board member Clay Shaw’s intelligence connections and paints Israeli loyalist Meyer Lansky as a low-level syndicate figure with no influence of substance. Scheim’s book was published by the American front for an Israeli publishing company.

    Richard Billings – A journalist with close ties to the CIA, Billings played a major role in the media’s campaign to undermine New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s investigation of Clay Shaw. Billings emerged as the prime promoter of the outlandish theory that Garrison was a Mafia front man trying to take the focus off the Mafia and direct the attention toward the intelligence community.

    James DiEugenio – Although a deep admirer of both John F. Kennedy and New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, DiEugenio has tread lightly when inquiring into the ties between Clay Shaw and the Permindex operation with its multiple links to the Israeli Mossad and the crime syndicate.

    Peter Dale Scott – His years of in-depth research on the JFK assassination have led him directly to the doorstep of the CIA, the Mossad and the Lansky Crime Syndicate, yet he has never been prepared to name names or point in the direction of those very forces, preferring to sidestep the issue.

    Matthew Ehret / February 12, 2013
    By Jeffrey Steinberg and Joseph Brewda

    This year will mark the 50th anniversary of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas on Nov. 22, 1963. Five decades after the “crime of the century,” the Kennedy assassination is still shrouded in mystery and controversy.
    Executive Intelligence Review’s (EIR) own continuing investigation into the JFK murder recently turned up startling new evidence that not only strongly supports the late New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s charges that there was a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy, and that New Orleans businessman Clay Shaw was guilty as charged of participating in the murder plot. The new documents reveal that the Permindex organization based out of Montreal Canada, identified by Garrison as the “assassination cabal” behind the JFK killing was never dismantled. Many of the culprits caught in Garrison’s investigation, as well as parallel 1960s assassination probes by French and Italian authorities, later surfaced as members of a shadowy organization called the “1001 Club,” founded by Prince Philip Mountbatten, the Duke of Edinburgh, and Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands in 1971. Prominent Canadians who played a key role in the forming of this club include Peter Munk, of the Munk School of Global Affairs and CEO of Barrick Gold, Lord Conrad Black, Maurice Strong, and Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield.

    The 1001 Club, a by-invitation-only organization, was nominally founded as a “Nature Trust” whose primary goal was to fund the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), now known as the World Wide Fund for Nature. However, as EIR reported on Oct. 28, 1994, the WWF-1001 apparatus is a vast secret intelligence network engaged for the past 53 years in a war of genocide against the population of Africa and other continents to further the political goals of the British House of Windsor and the Club of the Isles.

    The idea that lurking under the WWF’s well-known Panda logo is a contemporary Permindex assassination bureau is not only a chilling prospect. It has immediate implications for the security of world leaders!

    On March 1, 1967, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison filed an arrest warrant against local businessman Clay Shaw, charging him with conspiracy to assassinate President John F. Kennedy in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963. Shaw was tried on these charges and acquitted. Yet, but for a legal technicality, Shaw would have been found guilty and his conviction would have led the investigation of the Kennedy murder directly to the door of Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, who helped found Permindex, shattering the Warren Commission “lone assassin” cover-up and tying the greatest political crime of the second half of the 20th century to a conspiracy of unheard-of scale.

    Almost immediately after the assassination of JFK, Garrison had opened a quiet probe of the “New Orleans” angle on the killing. Lee Harvey Oswald had been living in New Orleans on and off during the year leading up to the assassination in Dallas. Following his arrest, Oswald had been initially referred to New Orleans attorney Dean Andrews by a man using the name “Clay Bertrand.” Garrison’s investigation had established that “Clay Bertrand” was actually Clay Shaw.

    The probe placed Shaw, the director of the New Orleans International Trade Mart and a board member of Perm index, in the orbit of Oswald, former FBI Division Five official Guy Banister, and David Ferrie. In the spring and summer of 1963, all these men had been in and out of Banister’s private detective office at 544 Camp Street. That office had served as a covert operations center for the training and arming of Cuban exile mercenaries who continued to carry out military raids against Cuba after the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion. Oswald was a regular visitor to Banister’s office. The former U.S. Marine who had “defected” to the Soviet Union and returned unimpeded to the United States had used Banister’s office as the address for a local chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, a pro-Castro outfit that was clearly out of sync with Banister’s anti-communist crusade. Nevertheless, according to Banister’s personal secretary Delphine Roberts, Banister had described Oswald as a part of the covert operation: “He’s with us, he’s associated with the office,” he told Roberts, according to author Tony Summers.
    By the time Garrison filed the arrest warrant against Clay Shaw, Oswald, Banister, and Ferrie were all dead. Oswald had been shot inside the Dallas police headquarters by local mobster Jack Ruby. Back in the 1950s in Chicago, Banister had been the Special Agent in Charge of the FBI office, and Ruby had been one of his informants. Banister apparently died of natural causes, but Ferrie’s death was a mystery, ostensibly a suicide.

    The opening statements in the trial against Shaw began on Feb. 6, 1969, following lengthy jury selection. Ultimately, the case came down to the question of whether it could be proven beyond a reasonable doubt that Clay Shaw was indeed the “Clay Bertrand” who had arrange for the New Orleans lawyer to represent Oswald moments after his arrest in Dallas.

    Although a number of witnesses testified for the prosecution that they had seen Oswald, Ferrie, and Shaw together during 1963, and one witness, Perry Russo, had claimed he had been at a party where Ferrie and Shaw had discussed details of a plot to assassinate JFK, the Garrison case nevertheless lacked hard proof to convince the jury beyond a reasonable doubt that Shaw and Ferrie had been associates. Two crucial pieces of evidence, either one of which would have provided the “smoking gun,” were never presented to the jury.

    The first was the booking form that was filled out at New Orleans police headquarters the day Shaw was arrested. Police officer Aloysius Habighorst, a decorated veteran of the police department, had booked Shaw on March 1, 1967. When Habighorst asked Shaw if he ever used an alias, Shaw carelessly responded, “Clay Bertrand.” However, for reasons that still remain murky, trial judge Edward Haggerty refused to allow the booking form to be presented to the jury, and he blocked Habighorst from testifying.
    The other piece of hard evidence was a pair of photographs apparently taken at a 1949 house party for supporters of WDSU radio station, showing Clay Shaw and David Ferrie clowning around together. The pictures had been published in the May 1967 issue of The Councillor, a right-wing newsletter from Shreveport, Louisiana. Ironically, a reporter covering the Shaw trial had copies of the pictures in his briefcase in the courtroom, but the incriminating photos were never presented by Garrison’s prosecution team.

    At the close of the defense case, Clay Shaw had taken the witness stand and lied repeatedly, under oath, that he had never met David Ferrie. What would the jury have done had Garrison countered Shaw’s denials by producing the pictures of him and Ferrie? Other witnesses had already testified that Ferrie had described Shaw as an “old friend.” Old enough friends to have been partying together in 1949? In the wee hours of March 1, 1969-two years to the day after Clay Shaw’s arrest and two years and one week to the day after David Ferrie’s body was discovered at his dingy apartment-Judge Haggerty charged the jury. One hour later, they returned with their verdict: not guilty.
    Interviewed after the acquittal, the majority of jurors had said that they had been convinced by Garrison’s evidence that President Kennedy had been killed as the result of a conspiracy. However, they had not been convinced beyond a reasonable doubt that Shaw was part of the conspiracy with Banister, Oswald, Ferrie, and others. Shortly before his death, Judge Haggerty told WLAE-TV reporter Stephen Tyler that he was convinced that Shaw had committed perjury.
    “Shaw lied through his teeth,” he had told the reporter. Shaw “pulled a con job on the jury.” Garrison himself was undeterred by the jury verdict. Shortly after the acquittal, Garrison indicted Clay Shaw again, on charges of perjury. Garrison had a damning case against Shaw. However, in a rare move, the U.S. District Court ruled that Garrison could not go ahead with the perjury prosecution, on the grounds that it constituted double jeopardy and was therefore unconstitutional.

    Imagine the consequences of a Shaw conviction on March 1, 1969. An international spotlight would have been cast on New Orleans, and every facet of Shaw’s life would have come under scrutiny. The day of his arrest, police had hauled off a collection of sado-masochistic paraphernalia, evidence of Shaw’s bizarre homosexual lifestyle (yet another thing he shared in common with David Ferrie).

    But the aspect of Shaw’s life that would have drawn the greatest amount of attention was his relationship to Maj. Louis Mortimer Bloomfield and the Permindex outfit that Bloomfield established in Montreal and in Rome, Italy in the mid-1950s. On March 16, 1967, shortly after Clay Shaw’s arrest, the Montreal daily Le Devoir published an expose of Permindex, linking the company to a 1962 assassination plot against French President Charles de Gaulle. Two Italian daily newspapers, Paese Sera and Corriere della Sera, had also covered the Permindex scandal, with Paese Sera running a six-part series on March 4, 11, 12, 14, 16, and 18, 1967.

    Had the Shaw-Bloomfield connection to the JFK assassination become a subject of wide scrutiny in 1969 as the result of a conviction of Clay Shaw, another element of the cover-up would been exposed: Lee Harvey Oswald’s relationship to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, particularly during the days leading up to Nov. 22, 1963.

    “Defector” Oswald was allowed to return home to the United States in the summer of 1962 with his Soviet-born wife, Marina. Despite the fact that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover had ordered a massive expansion of the Bureau’s Security Index, its tracking of suspected subversives, Lee Harvey Oswald’s name never appeared on the index. That is not to say that the Bureau had not taken an interest in Oswald. Not only had “retired” Division Five official Guy Banister brought Oswald into the 544 Camp Street apparatus, but Dallas FBI Special Agent Jules P. Hosty Jr. had been assigned to keep in touch with him, apparently as part of Oswald’s understanding with the FBI that he would provide information about subversives. Some books on the Kennedy assassination have alleged that Oswald was a paid FBI informant during the period prior to the JFK murder.

    On approximately Nov. 9, 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald paid a visit to the FBI’s Dallas office, asking to speak with Special Agent Hosty. Hosty was not in the office, and Oswald left a handwritten note. According to the FBI version of the story, the note contained a threat against Hosty, demanding that he stop harassing his wife. However, other versions of the story suggest that Oswald’s note contained a warning that there was a plot to assassinate the President. After his visit to the FBI office, Oswald fired off a telegram to J. Edgar Hoover in Washington, reportedly repeating his warning about a plot to kill the President.

    Had Oswald begun to figure out that he might be being set up as a patsy in a presidential assassination? If Oswald were the assassin, he would not likely have paid a visit to the FBI just weeks before the killing, a visit certain to draw FBI attention to him. The content of Oswald’s note to Hosty and the telegram to Hoover will never be known. Within two hours of Oswald’s assassination, Hosty was called into the office of Special Agent in Charge J. Gordon Shanklin and ordered to destroy the note and a memorandum that Hosty had prepared on Oswald right after his arrest in Dallas on the afternoon of Nov. 22. Shanklin told Hosty: “Oswald’s dead and there can’t be a trial now.” Hosty flushed the incriminating note down the toilet.

    J. Edgar Hoover had suspended Hosty for 30 days without pay in 1964, charging him with “negligence” for failing to adequately monitor Oswald’s activities in Dallas. Hosty was later transferred to Kansas City. In 1975, when Hosty tipped off reporters to the destroyed note, Rep. Don Edwards (D-Calif.) held House Judiciary Committee hearings on Oswald’s relationship to the FBI. By that point, however, Hoover was dead, and all the relevant FBI files and notes had been long since destroyed.

    The late Maj. Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, the boss of Clay Shaw, oversaw the planning and direction of the murder of top targets of the British royal family in the postwar period. Permindex was a de facto subsidiary of Prince Philip’s World Wildlife Fund, operating in collusion with J. Edgar Hoover.

    Bloomfield’s career begins in World War II when, as a major in the Royal Canadian Service Corps, he was detailed to the FBI to serve as the contract (recruitment) agent of its counterespionage division, Division Five. This curious arrangement, whereby a British subject could occupy a highly sensitive position in U. S. intelligence, was made possible by Churchill’s personal emissary Sir William Stephenson, another Canadian. Stephenson oversaw the merging of certain limited wartime operations of British intelligence with the FBI and elements of U.S. military intelligence. Through such conniving the British effectively took over whole sections of U. S. intelligence and law enforcement, especially in the FBI, which had been set up under strong British influence in the first place just prior to World War I.

    Stephenson oversaw all British Secret Intelligence Service operations in the Western Hemisphere from his base in New York City; Bloomfield was one of his agents. Stephenson had been part of Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s prewar circle, and a protégé of Lord Beaverbrook, a fellow Canadian who became the British Minister of War Supply and Churchill’s key adviser on propaganda and intelligence. This Beaverbrook apparatus is the mother of Permindex, and the World Wildlife Fund.
    Following World War II, Bloomfield returned to Montreal to resume his law practice, but he continued to be Division Five’s recruitment agent. His law firm, Philips and Vineberg, managed the Bronfman organized crime interests which emerged into prominence during Prohibition. The Bronfman syndicate has always functioned as a covert capability of British intelligence. The story of the Bronfman family’s role in North American organized crime on behalf of the British Crown is detailed in the bestselling book Dope, Inc., by the editors of EIR.

    To facilitate his operations, Bloomfield became the chairman of the Canadian subsidiary of Credit Suisse (a bank which Oliver North later used for the Reagan-Bush administration’s Iran-Contra operations), and the representative of such corporations as Israeli Continental Corp. and Heineken Breweries. He also became the consul general for Liberia and director of the Israeli-Canadian Maritime League. In 1952, Bloomfield became an executive in the International Law Association, a British oligarchical intelligence apparatus whose leading families, the Wilberforces, Buxtons, and Cadburys, played an instrumental role in the creation of the WWF. Bloomfield used his position as chairman of its piracy and hijacking committee, and his emergence as a U.N.-linked expert in counter-terrorism, to build his network.

    Prince Philip created the World Wildlife Fund in 1961 to provide an umbrella for diverse privatized intelligence capabilities operating under the British royal family. According to his obituaries, Bloomfield was the co-founder of the WWF in Canada, and served as its vice president from 1970 to 1978, and as a director from 1978 until his death in 1984. Bloomfield was also a member of the 1001 Club, an organization created in 1971 to fund the WWF. The 1001 members of the club include Indian maharajas, Caribbean narcotics bankers, and dozens of European counts and princes.
    The common characteristic of its members is that they are either officers of the British royal family or of European oligarchical families acting in collusion with the British royal family. This is the international capability which provided backup to Bloomfield’s assassination bureau. Although the Permindex corporate front of Bloomfield was shut down before the end of the 1960s, the capability for organizing and covering up such high-level terrorism as the assassination of a popular American President was not dismantled along with the temporary corporate address. In fact, many of the pivotal players in Bloomfield’s assassination bureau showed up in the early 1970s as charter members of the 1001 Club-along with Bloomfield himself. It is no stretch of the truth to say that the 1001 Club represents one line of continuity from Bloomfield’s Permindex to the current generation of British Crown assassins.
    Here are some of the most egregious cases of Permindex- 1001 Club overlap.
    -Maurice Strong: Recruited from the private sector as Vice President of Power Corp (1963-1965), Strong became a leading figure heading the Department of External Affairs under Lester Pearson, and creator of the Canadian Investment Development Agency (CIDA) under Prime Minister Trudeau. In this function, Strong promoted the program of depopulation and “appropriate technologies” onto third world countries seeking foreign aid. Strong became a main recruiter of corporate Canada to the WWF agenda, becoming co-founder of the 1001 Club alongside Bloomfield in 1971, and taking over as Vice President for the WWF from Bloomfield from 1978-1981 (while Prince Philip was still serving as its President).

    • David Ogilvy: Founder of the advertising firm Ogilvy Mather, who worked out of Stephenson’s New York City office as the British SOE (Special Operations Executive) liaison to OSS during the war. Ogilvy and Stephenson later established the British American Canadian Corp. It was out of that firm that Permindex was spawned. Ogilvy was the cousin of the Angus Ogilvy, the patron and partner of Tiny Rowland in Lonrho (London-Rhodesia Ltd.), the British intelligence proprietary responsible for orchestrating numerous civil wars in Africa in collusion with the WWF. Angus Ogilvy’s wife, Princess Alexandra, is the cousin of the Queen. Princess Alexandra recently succeeded Prince Philip as president of WWF-U .K. Some of the WWF’s first staff were drawn from Ogilvy and Mather.

    • Jean Riboud: Chairman of Schlumberger Ltd. Schlumberger is owned by Dominique Schlumberger de Menil of Houston, Texas. Her husband, Jean de Menil, was a Permindex board member and a close collaborator of Bloomfield since the war. Involved in oil diagnostics, the firm served as a cover for Permindex operations internationally. During World War II, de Menil had been the head of de Gaulle’s Free French forces in Venezuela together with Jacques Soustelle. Soustelle later formed the OAS unit (Secret Army Organization) that attempted to kill de Gaulle.

    • James S. Schlesinger: Schlesinger was the owner of the only South African firm listed in the Permindex’s internal phone directory (which is now in EIR’s possession). In 1962, President Charles de Gaulle forced the Swiss and Italian governments to expel Permindex after it was caught orchestrating a failed attempt to kill him that year. Permindex moved to Johannesburg, South Africa. Schlesinger’s firm was financed by, and was a partner with, Hambros Bank, the WWF bank.

    • Sir Max Aitken: Aitken was the son of Lord Beaverbrook, Stephenson’s mentor. Beaverbrook’s nephew, Howard Aitken, was one of Bloomfield’s closest associates in the postwar period. He shared an office building with Bloomfield in Montreal.
    • Baron Alain de Gunzberg: The French husband of Minda Bronfman, sister of Seagram Corp. chairman Edgar Bronfman. Bloomfield was the Bronfman family’s attorney from the pre-World War II period until his death.

    • Sir Brian Mountain: Chairman of Eagle Star Insurance, which has been the financial patron of the Bronfman interests for much of the postwar period. It has had more members of Britain’s titled aristocracy on its board than any other British firm. Eagle Star was a majority owner of Edper, a Bronfman flagship firm. Mountain was also a partner with Schlesinger in South Africa Eagle.

    • Edward Plunkett Taylor: The founder of Argus Corp. (later the Hollinger Corp.), which had been formed as a postwar spinoff of the Beaverbrook-Sir William Stephenson network. The Hollinger apparatus and the Bloomfield network have infamously shared common personnel. For example, Hollinger Corp. had the Bronfman syndicate on its’ board: Peter Bronfman, and Bronfman operatives Peter Reichmann, a leading real-estate speculator, and former Canadian ambassador to the United States, Alan Gottlieb. Daniel K. Ludwig, a partner of Taylor in real-estate ventures and horse racing, was another 1001 Club member. Ludwig ran the “Great Lakes navy” that shipped Bronfman whiskey to Moe Dalitz’s Purple Gang during Prohibition. Dalitz was involved in the Kennedy assassination according to some investigations.

    • Lord Conrad Black: Former chairman of Hollinger and son of the Taylor subordinate who formed Argus/Hollinger. A recruit of Maurice Strong and co-founder of the 1001 Club, Black had taken a fall in 2006 when he was found guilty for fraud and sent to 17 months prison in Florida. Since his release, Lord Black has since retaken control of his powerful rightwing mouthpiece the National Post and is once again shaping leading popular opinion among Canadians.

    • Edmond Safra: The money man whose wife now sits on the WWF-International Board of Trustees, and who is part of the general Bronfman apparatus. Safra, one of the world’s biggest dirty money managers, is the heir to the networks of 1001 Club member Tibor Rosenbaum, the first head of Israeli intelligence’s financial department, who had been a heavy investor in Permindex. Rosenbaum’s Banque de Credit International was used to launder Permindex money to finance the assassination of de Gaulle.

    In 1945, in the aftermath of World War II, the British monarchy ordered the privatization of several wartime intelligence agencies and networks. The purpose of this privatization was to obscure the British oligarchy’s far-flung capabilities while facilitating its penetration of the corporate and oligarchical elite of the United States. Permindex was created as a stepchild of a combination of several of these privatized capabilities established in the immediate postwar period.

    In May 1945, just a few days after the end of the war in Europe, Sir William Stephenson incorporated the British American Canadian Corp. in Panama, but with offices in New York. The firm was soon renamed the World Commerce Corp. According to Stephenson’s wartime aide David Ogilvy, the purpose of the firm was to “form a profitable company of merchant adventurers” composed of British intelligence veterans. Ogilvy drafted the corporate papers and became vice president. John Pepper, the head of Stephenson’s wartime staff in Washington, became the firm’s president.
    Stephenson’s founding partners in the World Commerce Corp. included former SOE director Sir Charles Hambro, and Sir Rex Benson, who had been the resident British intelligence liaison to Washington during the war. Benson put up much of the money for the firm. Both had worked closely with Stephenson during the war. He was assisted by Col. Louis Franck, the banker who had been Hambro’s wartime deputy.

    Both Benson and Hambro later became founder-trustees of the WWF. Officials of their family banks, Kleinwort Benson and Hambros, have always served as WWF trustees since its creation. As for Franck: He became WWF treasurer. It was out of the World Commerce Corp. that Permindex was formed.

    In order to provide himself a secure base of operations for this sensitive project, Stephenson moved to the British Crown Colony of Jamaica in 1946. He pioneered a property development in Montego Bay, which soon attracted several of his wartime colleagues as residents. Among these colleagues were Lord Beaverbrook; Ian Fleming, the famous “James Bond” spy novelist and SOE spy whose family later helped form the WWF; and Sir William Wiseman, the World War I British intelligence boss in New York whose networks had been taken over by Stephenson. Beaverbrook and Fleming were both closely associated with Stephenson’s new firm.

    From its inception, the World Commerce Corp. worked closely with the World Trade Mart of New Orleans, nominally to promote world trade. The founder and chairman of the World Trade Mart was Col. Clay Shaw, who had first hooked up with the British in World War II when he was an OSS liaison officer to Winston Churchill’s headquarters. Shaw had considered renouncing his U. S. citizenship and remaining in London, but in 1945, he returned to the United States to establish the World Trade Mart.
    Shortly after he had overseen the first phase of this privatization, Stephenson transformed his Jamaican property into the curiously named “Tryall Club.” The elite British club became a watering hole for de Menil, Bloomfield, and others implicated in the JFK conspiracy.

    While Stephenson and Shaw were establishing the World Commerce Corp. and the World Trade Mart, Edward Plunkett Taylor was setting up yet another firm dedicated to world trade. Taylor had been Winston Churchill’s personal secret representative in wartime Washington. He had been detailed to the United States from Toronto in 1940 to obtain war supplies for Britain at a when such purchases were still illegal under the U. S. law. Taylor worked directly under fellow Canadian Lord Beaverbrook in close coordination with Stephenson.

    In 1945, Taylor was ordered to form Argus Corp. as a private, postwar continuation of his wartime procurement and intelligence staff. The firm had been renamed Hollinger Corp., grew rapidly, perhaps through funds acquired outside legal channels during the war, and certainly through British oligarchical patronage. Among Hollinger’s key figures have included Rupert Hambro from the SOE banking family; Sir James Goldsmith, a top British intelligence officer and leading controller of the World Wildlife Fund, and Sir Henry Keswick whose Hong Kong banking family has always played a dominant role in the WWF.

    Simultaneously, Stephenson’s agent, Major Bloomfield, was detailed back to Montreal to oversee the postwar expansion of the Bronfman syndicate. In 1956, Bloomfield incorporated Permanent Industrial Expositions, Inc., Permindex merging the capabilities of the World Commerce Corp. (which soon formally dissolved) and Clay Shaw’s World Trade Mart. In 1959, Permindex formed the Centro Mondiale Commerciale, the World Commerce Center, in Rome, as its subsidiary.

    In 1962, the Secret Army Organization (OAS) of Permindex board member Jacques Soustelle, a decades-long partner of Permindex board member Jean de Menil, oversaw an assassination attempt against French President Charles de Gaulle financed by Clay Shaw’s FBI crony Guy Banister.

    De Gaulle forced Switzerland and Italy to expel Permindex’s offices from their territories as a result. In 1962, the Permindex networks were implicated in the sudden death, in a mysterious plane crash, of Italian state oil industrialist Enrico Mattei, who was working on a political track parallel to de Gaulle’s.

    Today, little time remains to ensure that civilization can survive the effects of the cover-up of John F. Kennedy’s murder. The takeover of the U.S. economy and cultural destruction that was unleashed by this process has resulted in a youth generation that no longer believes in scientific and technological progress and the largest monetary bubble ready to blow. If the truth of the role of the Royals, Canadian intelligence networks, and the environmentalist movement were recognized to be part of a single process that is at the heart of bringing about the greatest population reduction scheme in human history, then the brave struggle of John F. Kennedy and his co-thinkers during the 1960s will not have occurred in vain.


    Pilgrims and international fascism

    “Conservative people often fail to see what they are doing when they ignore the evident perils of the Fascist state on the ground that it is after all preferable to Communism… If the Fascist state wins out, the cleavages [between a small group of leaders and all the rest] will be extraordinarily great…”
    ~ 1930s, liberal Catholic spokesman George N. Shuster (1939, George Seldes, ‘The Catholic Crisis’, pp. 9-10)

    The collaboration of U.S., British and French companies and banks with the fascist regimes, especially Germany, goes back to the birth of Communist Russia in 1917 and the Treaty of Versailles in 1919.

    Simply put, fascism is the antithesis to everything communism is supposed to have stood for. Working conditions have never been particularly uplifting for the average citizen, but the industrial revolution during the late 19th century and early 20th century rapidly began to change things. As a result of technological advances leading to more wealth and better education, the suppressed workers class slowly began to organize itself against the ruling class of industrialists and land barons. This led to the creation of political movements as socialism and communism, which promoted the idea of a class struggle. The industrialists resisted by firing, intimidating, and-or murdering workers who tried to organize labor unions.

    [1] See the investigations of the [Governor Philip Fox] La Follette Civil Liberties Committee of 1937. It described the extremely violent union busting tactics of such companies as Ford, General Motors and Du Pont.

    Politicians sponsored by this same ruling class also had by far the biggest chance of getting elected to public office, not only due to funds donated to their electoral campaigns but also by having the press on their sides. William E. Dodd, FDR’s ambassador to Nazi Germany from 1933-1938, characterized fascism in the following way:

    “When industrialists ignore laws designed for social and economic progress, they will seek recourse to a fascist state when the institutions of our government compel them to comply with the provisions.” [2]

    (2) 1943, George Seldes, ‘Facts and Fascism’, p. 123

    The biggest fear of the great industrialists and land barons has always been communism and socialism. If the working classes would manage to stage revolutions, as happened in the Soviet Union in 1917 (which soon turned into a banal dictatorship), they would not only demand higher wages, social security and a reduced work week, but would also attempt to break up monopolies and redistribute great land holdings. The ruling class was not about to let this happen and sponsored leaders that would suppress these labor movements. Some of these leaders became known as fascist dictators.

    Mussolini, who rose to power in October 1922 with his “March on Rome”, was sponsored by the Lega Industriale of Turin, the Confederazione Generale dell’Industria, the Associazione fra Industriali Metallurgici Mecannici ed Affini, the Landowners Association, the Societa Ansaldo (shipbuilders), Fiat, of the Agnelli family that later helped run Bilderberg; the Banca Commerciale of Milan and a whole range of other banks and corporations. [3] This makes sense, considering Mussolini and his “blackshirts” essentially were glorified, violent union busters for Italian industry.

    (3) Ibid., pp. 34-47 (‘Big Business Bossed Mussolini’)

    Leading Wall Street bankers were also very supportive of Mussolini’s regime. Among the most prominent backers were Thomas W. Lamont and his boss J. P. Morgan, Jr. Both were members of the Pilgrims, with Lamont serving as chairman of the Pilgrims from 1939 to 1945. On his return from Italy, Morgan stated to a friend,

    “We had the great satisfaction of seeing Mr. Mussolini’s [fascist] Revolution.”

    Lamont expounded similar praise. The two were primarily competing with Dillon, Read & Co., another major Pilgrims-dominated bank, for exclusive business with the fascist dictator. [4]

    (4)1990, Ron Chernow, ‘The House of Morgan’, pp. 279-281:

    “After the war [WWI], J. P. Morgan and Company sparred with Dillon, Read for business with the Italian government. Lamont wanted an exclusive relationship, as understood by the Gentleman Banker’s Code. In 1923, six months after taking power, Mussolini first met with Lamont to discuss how to restore Italian credit. Initially Wall Street viewed il Duce benignly, as the man who had saved strike-torn Italy from Bolshevik hands. The Blackshirt terror that killed a hundred people in the 1921 elections was conveniently overlooked. Traveling through Italy, Jack Morgan reported to a friend, “We had the great satisfaction of seeing Mr. Mussolini’s Revolution… Afterward, Lamont wrote this paean: “The Italy through which I traveled seemed to be industrious and prosperous. The newspaper headlines in New York and even London papers seemed to me exaggerated. Everybody, both in and out of the Government, laughed at these stories of street fights, unrest upsetting the Government etc.” Back at 23 Wall, Lamont received an autographed photograph from Mussolini, which was now featured as prominently on his wall as the earlier picture of Woodrow Wilson had been… As the big $100 million loan hung in the balance, Lamont made his most startling shift with Mussolini, one that went far beyond basic banking requirements. This former champion of the League of Nations began to coach the Italian dictator on how to appeal to Anglo-American opinion. He fed him sugared phrases, language that would make reprehensible policies palatable abroad. A modern man, Lamont knew that any product, if attractively packaged, could be marketed to the public. After Mussolini suspended town councils and bullied Parliament into passing 2,364 decrees at once, Lamont sent fresh publicity angles to Fummi for il Duce’s consideration… As with the Dawes Loan to Germany, the Morgan loan to Italy proved a catalyst for further American investment. The bank itself went on to provide loans to Rome and to two industrial clients, Fiat and Pirelli. In December 1927, J. P. Morgan again joined with Ben Strong and established a credit for Banca d’Italia that permitted a return to the gold standard. On a Wall Street disturbed by European radicalism and worshipful of economic progress, Lamont wasn’t the only Mussolini supporter. Jack Morgan and George Whitney both hailed him as a great patriot. Otto Kahn of Kuhn, Loeb likened his iron rule to that of a tough receiver straightening out a bankrupt company. With a poetic flourish, Willis Booth of Guaranty Trust said Mussolini lifted Italy “out of the slough of despair into the bright realm of promise.” Judge Elbert Gary of U.S. Steel and publicist Ivy Lee joined the fan club.”

    From England we have Harry Brittain, a co-founder, secretary and long-time chairman of the Pilgrims of Great Britain, who was honorary president of the (obviously) pro-facist Friends of Italy from 1936 to 1939. Pilgrims Walter Runciman is another good example of a British Mussolini supporter. As a Jew, he was critical of the persecution of the Jews by the Germans, but he adored fascism itself. [5] This stance was not unusual at all at the time, or even after World War II.

    (5)2003, Paul Vysny, ‘The Runciman mission to Czechoslovakia, 1938: prelude to Munich’, p. 92: notes that Runciman was a great, outspoken supporter of Mussolini; and p. 93: notes that Runciman, as a Jew, was opposed to Nazi persecution of Jews.

    Hitler with Hjalmar Schacht, president of the Reichsbank 1933-1939 and minister of economics 1934-1937. Schacht actually was less die hard in his belief in Hitler than various Anglo-American aristocrats, leading to his acquittal at Nuremberg.

    Among the industrialists and bankers who provided crucial financial support to Hitler’s party were Fritz Thyssen, Hjalmar Schacht, Friedrich Frick and Baron Kurt von Schroder.

    The Wall Street and industrialist allies of these Nazi financiers included Henry Ford, the du Ponts, Alfred Sloan of General Motors, Joseph Kennedy, the Watson family of IBM, the Dillons, Harrimans, Rockefellers, and Dulles brothers. (6):

    (6) *) Sources are given for cartel agreements and pro-Nazi policies of I.G. Farben, the Watsons of IBM, the Dillons, the Harrimans, the Dulles Brothers, and the Rockefellers.

    *** I.G. Farben: December 11, 1945, Council Bluffs Nonpareil (Iowa), ‘Farben tested poison gas on camp inmates’:

    “Its cartel agreements numbered over 2,000 and included agreements with such major industrial concerns as Standard Oil of New Jersey, the Aluminum company of America, E. I. du Pont de Nemours, Ethyl Export corporation, Imperial Chemical Industries of Great Britain, the Dow Chemical company, Rohn and Haas, Establishments, Kuhlmann of France and the Mitsui interests of Japan.”

    *** DuPont company and General Motors, which it controlled (Du Pont family was loosely involved in the Pilgrims while GM chair 1937-1956, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr. became a member after WWII):
    *) 1943, George Seldes, ‘Facts and Fascism’, p. 80:

    “Lammot DuPont and Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., of the DuPont Empire and General Motors respectively, have been exposed by Congressional committees as subsiders of fascist organizations and movements. Both corporations and both men are also among the top flight rulers of the National Association of Manufacturers. … NAM is the center of American Fascism…”

    *) Ibid., pp. 75-77:

    “Alfred P. Sloan, president of General Motors and director of DuPonts, was charged by the U.S. Treasury (June 29, 1937), just five months before the date of our memorandum, with cheating the government out of $1,921,587 in three years through establishing personal holding companies to dodge taxes. DuPont representative. The four most important facts about the DuPont empire are: 1. that it controls General Motors, owning $197,000,000 of General Motors stock; b. that it financed the Liberty League, Sentinels, Crusaders and one dozen native American fascist outfits; c. that it knowingly and secretly and in violation of the U. S. and other laws, aided Hitler to arm for this war. d. that the DuPonts betrayed military secrets to Hitler. One great cartel of the merchants of death is Dynamite-Aktien-Gesellschaft (DAG). Exhibit 456 in the Nye-Vandenberg munitions investigation shows that DuPonts not only own stock but a voting right and a voice in the management of the cartel. Exhibit 456 also shows DuPont has a financial interest in I. G. Farbenindustrie… Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg. As part of the Nye-Vandenberg Munitions inquiry, Senator Vandenberg went after the Duponts and exposed their relations with Hitler. This was not a hardship for Vandenberg. He has always been Ford’s friend, and Ford was the rival of General Motors, which the DuPonts controlled.”

    *) December 1, 1998, Associated Press, GM, Ford deny they aided Nazis:
    “General Motors Corp. and Ford Motor Co. deny helping the Nazis during World War II and profiting from forced labor at their German subsidiaries. The Washington Post reported Monday that lawyers and historians were compiling evidence of collaboration for possible use in class-action lawsuits on behalf of former prisoners of war. Both GM and Ford have had German subsidiaries since the 1920s. The Post said documents show that American managers of both automakers allowed their German plants to be converted to military production while the companies resisted pressure to increase military production at their U.S. plants. GM spokesman John Mueller said in a statement that GM’s Adam Opel plants in Germany were taken over by the Nazis during the war. “The stale allegations repeated in The Washington Post were reviewed and refuted by GM 25 years ago in hearings before Congress, when more individuals with firsthand knowledge of the facts were available,” Mueller said.”

    *) December 14, 2006, Canadian Jewish News, ‘As the Nazis amassed power, what did General Motors know, and when?’:

    “Hitler’s anti-Semitic demagoguery and the daily, semi-official, violent attacks against Jews were discussed in the American media almost daily. GM’s president Alfred P. Sloan knew what was happening in Germany. Sloan and GM officials knew also that Hitler’s regime was expected to wage war from the outset. Headlines, radio broadcasts and newsreels made that fact apparent. America, it was feared, would once again be pulled in. Nonetheless, GM and Germany began a strategic business relationship. That relationship is largely the focus of this JTA investigative series that re-examines the company’s conduct on both sides of the Atlantic before, during and immediately after World War II. This four-part investigation reveals that while General Motors was helping mobilize the Third Reich, it was conspiring to demobilize America’s electric mass transit, and in the process, was helping addict the United States to oil.”

    This article can be read in full in the Pilgrims Society membership list, as various other articles.

    *** Henry Ford (his grandson, Henry Ford II, was 1001 Club): Ford’s devotion to Nazism and Hitler personally is very well known these days. One of the earlier articles happens to mention him.

    *** Watsons (Pilgrims): 2001, Edwin Black, ‘IBM and the Holocaust’, online excerpt:

    “Hitler and his hatred of the Jews was the ironic driving force behind this intellectual turning point. But his quest was greatly enhanced and energized by the ingenuity and craving for profit of a single American company and its legendary, autocratic chairman. That company was International Business Machines, and its chairman was Thomas J. Watson… How much did IBM know? Some of it IBM knew on a daily basis throughout the 12-year Reich. The worst of it IBM preferred not to know–“don’t ask, don’t tell” was the order of the day. Yet IBM NY officials, and frequently Watson’s personal representatives, Harrison Chauncey and Werner Lier, were almost constantly in Berlin or Geneva, monitoring activities, ensuring that the parent company in New York was not cut out of any of the profits or business opportunities Nazism presented. When U.S. law made such direct contact illegal, IBM’s Swiss office became the nexus, providing the New York office continuous information and credible deniability.”

    *** Dillons (Pilgrims): Changed the name of W.A. Read & Company into Dillon, Read & Company in 1920. James Forrestal joined Dillon, Read & Company in 1923. General William H. Draper Jr. joined the firm in 1926 and described Forrestal already as the #2 man, right below Dillon. In January 1926, Dillon Read created the German Credit and Investment Corporation in Newark, New Jersey and Berlin, Germany. That same year, Dillon Read created the Vereinigte Stahlwerke (German Steel Trust), incorporating the Thyssen family interests under the direction of New York and London finance. Thyssen, together with banker Hjalmar Schacht, were the first major sponsors of Hitler.
    *) April 23, 1948, Ogden Standard-Examiner – Drew Pearson, ‘Nazi Arms Plants Spared Under New U.S. Policy’:

    “For in 1932, it was the Krupps, the Thyssens, and the Ruhr industrialists who gave Hitler the money to take over Germany. Incidentally, it was also the Wall Street firm of Dillon, Read and company, of which James V. Forrestal was head, that loaned a lot of money to these same munitions makers. Today, Forrestal is secretary of national defense, William H. Draper, former vice president of Dillon, Read, is undersecretary of the army, while Paul Nitze, another vice president of Dillon, Read, holds a key economic job in the state department.”

    *** Dulles brothers (Pilgrims):
    *) September 28, 1944, Drew Pearson editorial in The Anniston Star (article appeared in many newspapers from late September to early October), pp. 4 and 9:

    “Even up until 1930, [John] Dulles continued optimistic about American investments in Germany. [John] Dulles made the statement in March 1939, that “these dynamic peoples (Germans, Italians and Japanese) determined to mould their states into a form which would permit them to take their destiny into their own hands and to attain that enlarged status which, under a liberal and peaceful form of government, had been denied them.” Dulles went on to explain and condone the effort of the dictator nations to “enlarge their status,” adding that “only hysteria entertains the idea that Germany, Italy or Japan contemplates war upon us.” This, no doubt, was the Dulles speaking who instinctively adopted the banker attitude of the Chamberlains and the Clivedon Set that some way must be found to safeguard investments in Germany.
    Undoubtedly this also was the attitude of one important client of Dulles’ law firm, the J. Henry Schroder Banking Corp. Dulles’ brother and law partner, Allen Dulles, is a director of both J. Henry Schroder and the Schroder Trust Company, and the affairs of this international banking house are intimately tied up with the Dulles law firm. Whether the Dulles brothers knew it or not, it was a member of this banking house, Baron von Schroder, who financed Hitler. This was on January 4, 1933, when Hitler had made desperate efforts to get into power but had not succeeded. It looked as if he might not succeed at all. Then, suddenly, through Franz von Papen, now retired as Nazi ambassador to Turkey, Hitler met banker Baron von Schroder. Almost every recent historian agrees on this incident. As told by Rudolf Olden in “Hitler:” “There was no improvement in the financial situation of the party. Symptoms of decline were multiplying and party ties were loosening. Goebbels in his diary speaks of rats abandoning the sinking ship… Once again he (Hitler) had got to the suicide stage. Then came salvation: money suddenly reappeared. It was von Papen who opened it to Hitler again. With the greatest secrecy, Hitler and Papen met at Cologne at the house of Herr von Schroder, a banker who enjoyed the confidence of the steel and coal magnates. Goebbels’ diary records triumphantly, ‘If this coup succeeds, then power is not so very remote’.” During the hectic months of 1933, Dulles was shuttling back and forth between New York and Berlin, trying to save something out of the financial wreck of Germany. He may have known nothing about the activities of his banker client. Or if he did, he may not have realized their significance. But certainly, during the succeeding years and right up until the outbreak of the war in 1939, John Dulles took the attitude that Germany was a misunderstood nation which had shown great investment promise and now should be treated with sympathy and understanding until she got back on her feet.”

    *** Harrimans (Pilgrims): John Loftus and Mark Aarons, ‘The secret war against the Jews’ (1994), pp. 360-361:

    “The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link between Harriman & Company’s American investors and Thyssen started in the 1920s, through Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American investors. “Bert” Walker was Union Banking’s president, and the firm was located in the offices of Averill Harriman’s company at 39 Broadway in New York… In 1926… Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that Walker’s specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler’s political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine. As we shall see, there is substantial evidence to support this charge. While the United States languished in the Depression, Walker made millions for his clients by investing in Germany’s economic revival. He decided to quit W. A. Harriman in 1931, to concentrate on his own firm, G. H. Walker, while his son-in-law stayed behind to run the show for Harriman. Some say that Walker left George Bush’s father holding the bag. Others say that Bush specialized in British investors in Nazi Germany, while Walker handled the Americans. In that same year Harriman & Company merged with a British-American investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking. Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I. G. Farben’s Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things Hitler’s way. The holding company was Walker’s American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an elaborate paper trail, Harriman’s stock in American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker’s office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. In order to understand the character of the firm, it should be recalled that Brown Brothers, Harriman had a bad reputation, even among international bankers, as hard-nosed capitalists who exploited every opportunity for profit in a harsh and ruthless manner… A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker’s “Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.” Walker did not know it, but one of his American employers, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became Roosevelt’s first double agent… It was Allen Dulles [whom Harriman and Bush hired as lawyer]. According to Dulles’s client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as “Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.””

    *** Rockefellers (Pilgrims) #1 (Banking and partnership with the Schroders):
    *) 1983, Charles Higham, ‘Trading with the Enemy’, p. 22:

    “As war approached, the links between the Rockefellers and the Nazi government became more and more firm. In 1936 the J. Henry Schroder Bank of New York had entered into a partnership with the Rockefellers. Schroder, Rockefeller and Company, Investment Bankers, was formed as part of an overall company that Time magazine disclosed as being “the economic booster of the Rome-Berlin Axis.” The partners in Schroder, Rockefeller and Company included Avery Rockefeller, Nephew of John D., Baron Bruno von Schroder in London, and Kurt von Schroder of the BIS and the Gestapo in Cologne. Avery Rockefeller owned 42 percent of Schroder, Rockefeller and Baron Bruno and his Nazi cousin 47 percent. Their lawyers were John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles of Sullivan and Cromwell. Allen Dulles (later of the Office of Strategic Services) was on the board of Schroder. Further connections linked the Paris branch of Chase to Schroder as well as the pro-Nazi Worms Bank and Standard Oil of New Jersey in France. Standard Oil’s Paris representatives were directors of the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, which had intricate connections to the Nazis and Chase.”

    *) July 20, 1936, Time Magazine, ‘Schroder Rockefeller’:

    “Along with two other executives, Avery Rockefeller resigned from Manhattan’s J. Henry Schroder Banking Corp. to set up a new investment house called Schroder Rockefeller & Co. which will handle the underwriting and general securities business given up by the U. S. branch of the famed old London firm under the Banking Act of 1933. J. Henry Schroder & Co. is one of the “Big Three” of British private banking, sharing the title with Baring Bros, and N. M. Rothschild & Sons. Founded in 1804, Schroder always has Schroders as partners, now boasts the third and fourth generations of the family in Baron Bruno Schroder and his son Helmut William Bruno Schroder. Formed shortly after the War to handle U. S. interests, J. Henry Schroder Banking Corp. will continue to operate as a commercial bank.”

    *) July 10, 1939, Time Magazine, ‘Potash Politics’:

    “So did their London bankers and sales agents—J. Henry Schroder & Co.—a firm which is an economic booster of the Rome-Berlin Axis.”

    *) BBC Timewatch series, ‘Banking with Hitler’: described how Chase Paris completely cooperated with the Nazis, including the persecution of the Jews. (also described in 1983, Charles Higham, ‘Trading with the Enemy’, p. 25)

    *** Rockefellers (Pilgrims) #2 (Standard Oil):
    *) 1983, Charles Higham, ‘Trading with the Enemy’, pp. 46-47:

    “On March 26, Arnold appeared before Truman in an exceptionally buoyant mood in order to lay in front of the committee his specific charges against the oil company. He had dug up a great deal of dirt. He produced documents showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally carved up the world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies established all over the map. He flourished papers showing that Farish had refused to send vital patent information to Canada because Germany and Canada were at war. He showed how farish had flagrantly disregarded Lend-Lease and good neighbor policies in his connivance with Hitler. He zeroed in on the subject of synthetic rubber, pointing out that it had been denied to the U.S. Navy, and that Farish and Howard had deliberately side-tracked a Navy representative from seeing the process. He charged that cables showed Standard’s arrangements with Japan that were to continue throughout any conflict or break in trade… Roosevelt was very unhappy with the hearings. Publicly exposing Teagle and farish was not helping him use them for America’s purposes. He had enough of Arnold as the hearings concluded… Ickes wrote in his diary on April 5 that Arnold had been more or less gagged. The War and Navy departments insured that Roosevelt suspended any further antitrust actions against the corporations for the duration. They couldn’t (as the Rockefeller Plaza meeting had made clear) run an Army and Navy without Standard.”

    1983, Charles Higham, ‘Trading with the Enemy’, pp. 59-62:

    “The [oil] shipments to Spain [coming in part from Standard Oil subsidiaries] indirectly assisted the Axis through Spanish transferences to Hamburg. At the same time, there were desperate shortages in the United States, long lines at the gas stations, and even petroleum rationing. While American civilians and the armed services suffered alike from restrictions, more gasoline went to Spain than it did to domestic customers… Asked by The New York Times how this could be explained, a spokesman for Cordell Hull declared blandly that the oil came from the Caribbean and not from the United States and was hauled by Spanish tankers. The evasiveness of the response was typical. The spokesman also neglected to mention that shipments were going to Vichy and to French Indian possessions under collaborative influence. Hayes revealed that the gasoline and petroleum products equaled the full capacity of the Spanish tanker fleet. He neglected to add that much of that fleet proceeded regularly to Germany and helped to fuel Nazis, including their embassies and consulates and military installations, tanks, armored cars as well as Spanish troop transports on the Russian front, fighting against the Soviet Union, which was America’s ally. In addition to oil, 25,000 tons of sulphate of ammonia were shipped to Spain in 1943 along with 10,000 tons of cotton, despite American shortages in both commodities… Ickes had accumulated a dossier from his special staff of investigators. The dossier showed that in fact oil was going to Germany, that German agents were operating freely on Spanish territory, and that Franco had just released 400 million pesetas of credit to Germany. This would insure the Germans a flow of all the oil it needed, plus unlimited supplies of wolfram, the ore from which tungsten, a hard substance capable of penetrating steel, was made… For a brief period the truth emerged about Spain. Spanish ships were searched at sea, showing that oil, platinum, industrial diamonds, and liver extracts, from which the Germans made a tonic for fliers, submarine crews, and even shock troops, were coming from Argentina and the Caribbean on Spanish vessels, admitted through the British blockade by American licenses. On january 28, 1944, the British government cut off oil, gasoline, and other petroleum products to Spain. Franco protested violently. Dean Acheson remained sensibly silent. It was a brief period of sanity. On May 2, 1944, after only three and a half months of suspension, the oil lobby won a fight to restore shipments and to allow limited wolfram exports to Germany as well… 48,000 tons a month of American oil and 1,100 tons of wolfram began to flow back to the Nazis… On September 22, 1947, Judge Charles Clark delivered the final word on the subject. He said, “Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national in view of its relationships with I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany had become active enemies.” The appeal was denied.”

    *) November 6, 1947, Oakland Tribune, ‘Farben-U.S. Oil Firm Pacts That Hit War Effort Bared at Trial’:

    “More than a year after the war began in Europe the United States suddenly awoke to the fact that it had no supplies of rubber which the Japanese couldn’t cut off in a moment—as they later did… The way in which the biggest industrial nation in the world was crutched into this ridiculous and helpless position is one of the charges against 24 leading officials of I.G. Farben… Standard Oil, six of its subsidiaries, and three of its top executives already have paid fines of $5000 each in U.S. courts for their part in this unhappy picture. They didn’t admit their guilt, but they didn’t contest the action… Not only rubber is involved, but a host of other chemical developments… Farben and Standard Oil entered a solemn compact in 1929, dividing the world between them. Farben would be supreme in chemicals; Standard in petroleum. Where these two broad spheres rubbed shoulders, as they did inevitably, there would be further talks in the same spirit of “goodwill” which was recorded at the time… The Americans never received technical co-operation on rubber production, it said. Even with the “Jasco” deal, they received nothing of any importance, it went on… Farben in its turn, it said, had received from the Americans “over and beyond the agreement many very valuable contributions for the synthesis and improvement of motor fuels and lubrication oils, which just now during the war are most useful to us, and we also received other advantages from them.””

    *) 1943, George Seldes, ‘Facts and Fascism’, p. 259:

    “Standard Oil’s Farish never denied he shipped oil to a Japanese navy which made possible the attack on Pearl Harbor and Japan’s ability to resist the Anglo-American Navies today. He excused himself by saying that Standard Oil was “an international concern.” Standard Oil supplied Franco-Spain after 1939, National Maritime Union men giving testimony that oil went to Germany and Italy, for use against France and Britain. Technically, Standard Oil was not committing treason then because the United States was not at war.”

    *) 1994, John Loftus and Mark Aarons, ‘The secret war against the Jews’, pp. 164-166:

    “Rockefeller had discussed the position of Latin American spy chief with Harry Hopkins, one of President Roosevelt’s top aides. It was hardly the kind of sales pitch that should have endeared Rockefeller to the Roosevelt administration. Rockefeller proposed that while Hitler and Churchill fought each other to death, the United States should be ready to pick up the pieces by seizing the opportunity to increase the economic influence of American businessmen. In effect, Rockefeller had proposed to Hopkins that regardless of which side won the war, the Nazis or the Allies, the country’s international position had to be safeguarded by the use of “economic measures that are competitively effective against totalitarian techniques.” By “totalitarian” Rockefeller meant the Soviets, not the Germans. As outlined earlier, the Rockefellers just happened to own the largest stock in Standard of New Jersey and were then in partnership with the Nazi-controlled I. G. Farben, which held the second largest share of the Rockefeller-controlled oil company, to develop synthetic gas and rubber. The sources among the former intelligence officers whom we interviewed on the Rockefellers say that the family was in complete agreement with the Dulles brothers and Forrestal on the question of preserving U.S. profits, no matter who won the war. After he accepted the job as head of the Office of Inter-American Affairs, Rockefeller told his staff, in essence, that their job was to use the war to take over Latin American markets.

    While Britain and France fought a bloody struggle against the Third Reich, Rockefeller’s primary concern was to monopolize Latin America’s raw materials and exclude the Europeans. Rockefeller’s definition of Europe was very interesting: He meant the British, not the Nazis. As discussed earlier in this chapter, his friend Forrestal had authorized the Rockefeller oil company, Standard of New Jersey, to ship oil to the Nazis in 1941. That was before the United States entered the war, but Pearl Harbor made no difference to Rockefeller. All through the war, at least while Rockefeller was in charge, everything the Germans wanted in South America they got, from refueling stations to espionage bases. The British, on the other hand, had to pay in cash. Behind Rockefeller’s rhetoric of taking measures in Latin America for the national defense stood a naked grab for profits. Under the cloak of his official position, Rockefeller and his cronies would take over Britain’s most valuable Latin American properties. If the British resisted, he would effectively block raw materials and food supplies desperately needed for Britain’s fight against Hitler. It was Rockefeller’s own variant of Allen Dulles’s oil blackmail. Naturally, Rockefeller’s cronies were members of the Dulles-Forrestal clique.

    To implement his economic program to drive the British out of the lucrative Latin American markets, in each country Rockefeller set up coordinating committees composed of reactionary executives from Standard Oil, General Electric, and United Fruit, which promptly bled South America dry. It was just the sort of thing that endeared Rockefeller to the State Department. In November 1944 he was asked to serve as assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs. Rockefeller did not exactly make South America safe for democracy. He was too busy shoring up profits to be bothered with minor details such as convincing the Latin American governments to declare war on the Axis let alone send troops. By February 1945 one-third of the nations on the continent had not even entered the war, while Dulles’s friend, President Juan Peron of Argentina, led a bloc of decidedly pro-Fascist countries that were eager to help the architects of the Third Reich escape with their assets intact. In the end, these countries had to be ordered to declare war on Germany and Japan, under threat of exclusion from the United Nations… It was all a farce, of course. Argentina did not declare war until late April, two weeks before the German surrender… Rockefeller’s political and corporate strategy was to use his bloc of Fascist nations to “buy” the majority vote at the UN to favor U.S.-sponsored resolutions.”

    *) Joseph Kennedy/Standard Oil: 1988, Michael Seidel, ‘Streak: Joe Dimaggio and the Summer Of ’41’, p. 106:

    “For its part, I. G. Farben was given ownership of 20 percent of Standard Oil of New Jersey and shared an affilite company, Jasco, set up for any new patents and processes. Hitler knew about the Standard deal in the late 1930s and instructed I.G. Farben to get whatever patents they could from Standard Oil without providing any themselves. Standard Oil did not bother to review the arrangement and kept sending Farben the results of work at Jasco. But by late 1939 some Standard executives got nervous. They asked our ambassador to England at the time, Joseph Kennedy, to set up a secret meeting between Standard and I.G. Farben officials at The Hague. All Europe was a cinder box, and as one Standard executive remembers it, “We did our best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi which would operate through the term of the war whether or not the U.S. came in.”

    *) Joseph Kennedy: August 23, 1978, Jewish and Israel News (JTA.org), ‘Behind the Headlines I.g. Farben’s Grim History’:

    “First as an economist and later as a lawyer and historian, Joseph Borkin studied and investigated the corporate greed, evil and manipulations of the I.G. Farben Company. Now after 40 years of research and documentation of this industrial demon, he has presented a source book on the German chemical combine that dominated industrial giants in the very countries that Germany had sought to conquer in two world wars. … Borkin points out that the I.G. main American asset was General Aniline and Film Corporation (GAF). A Swiss company, Interhandel, nominally owned it. Interhandel was originally established before World War II by I.G. Forben to conceal its foreign assets, evade German taxes and raise capital abroad. In 1942, however, the U.S. government considered GAF to be enemy property and seized it. After the war, Interhandel sought to regain GAF but no U.S. attorney general would allow it until 1963. In that year, Borkin reports, Interhandel’s head, Alfred Schaefer, was introduced to Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy through Prince Radziwill, Jacqueline Kennedy’s brother-in-law. Under an arrangement worked out with Kennedy, Borkin reports, the U.S. government released GAF and sold it through an investment banker for $329 million, of which $124 million was paid to Interhandel. Borkin believes that Joseph P. Kennedy, the father of the President and Attorney General, had an interest in GAF and persuaded his sons to go through with the transaction.

    Five previous attorneys general had refused to do it, although influence on the U.S. government to restore GAF’s assets to its German and Swiss owners had been strong for years.”

    Except Ford, all these families had representatives in the Pilgrims, with the Ford interests always strongly represented in the society. Also not unimportant, post-World War II, Henry Ford II could be found in the 1001 Club with the Rockefellers, Bechtels, Rothschilds, Agnellis, Thyssens and other elites.

    © Joel van der Reijden — Institute for the Study of Globalization and Covert Politics (ISGP)

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