On August 7, Hal Gordon (not his real name) a San Francisco resident, double-parked his Toyota Sienna in front of an apartment building, hoping for a parking space to open.
As he sat behind the wheel, a man came up to the driver’s window and started berating him for using his emergency brake lights. The next thing Gordon knew, the stranger was throwing punches at him through the window.
After a passenger in Gordon’s car stepped out of the vehicle, the attacker got back into his own car—a green Jeep—parked behind Gordon’s.
Then—wham!—the Jeep plowed into the back of Gordon’s Toyota Sienna. Luckily for Gordon and his passenger, both were wearing seat belts.
The Jeep then took off, with Gordon giving chase. About a block later, both cars stopped at a red light.
That was when Gordon took out his cell phone, turned on its camera, and took a photo of the license plate of the road-raging Jeep.
And that was when the Jeep suddenly backed up—right into the front of Gordon’s car. Then the Jeep sped off.
Gordon decided to file a police report. So he and his passenger then drove to Central Station of the San Francisco Police Department (SFPD).
At the front desk, they were each given an incident report page to fill out. They agreed on the appearance of the attacker: A white male, 50-60 years old, about 5’6″ tall, with gray, bushy hair.
And both driver and passenger gave separate interviews to the uniformed desk officer.
A subsequent record check on the license plate revealed that the Jeep was registered to a female resident of San Francisco, whose address was given.
That was on August 7.
Almost three months have since passed–and neither Gordon nor his passenger has been contacted by the SFPD. Nor, to their knowledge, has an arrest been made of the road-raging assailant.
For anyone familiar with the workings of this agency, none of this will come as a surprise.
In 2002, the San Francisco Chronicle ran a series on the need for major reforms within the SFPD. Among its findings:
- Violent criminals who preyed on San Francisco’s residents and visitors had a better chance of getting away with their crimes than predators in any other large American city.
- A victim who was shot, treated at a hospital and then released was not guaranteed an investigation—unless he could name his assailant.
- Inspectors often investigated cases from their desks—by phone—rather than leave their offices to interview victims and find evidence.
- Due to budget cuts, violent crime inspectors lacked such basic investigative tools as portable radios, cell phones and even cars.
- No formal performance standards existed in the Inspectors Bureau. Inspectors were required to provide a monthly account of their activities, but were not evaluated on performance.
- Police needed only to make an arrest to claim a crime as solved or cleared, without regard for what happened in court.
- Police also could list a crime as solved for “exceptional” reasons. These included: The suspect was dead or in jail elsewhere, extradition was denied or the victim wouldn’t cooperate.
Most citizens would expect the top priority of the SFPD to be protecting citizens from crime. But in Politically Correct San Francisco, the SFPD Police Commission makes protecting the “rights” of illegal aliens its most important goal.
San Francisco is one of 31 “sanctuary cities” in this country: Washington, D.C.; New York City; Los Angeles; Chicago; Santa Ana; San Diego; Salt Lake City; Phoenix; Dallas; Houston; Austin; Detroit; Jersey City; Minneapolis; Miami; Denver; Baltimore; Seattle; Portland, Oregon; New Haven, Connecticut; and Portland, Maine.
These cities have adopted “sanctuary” ordinances that forbid municipal funds or resources to be used to enforce federal immigration laws, usually by not allowing police or municipal employees to inquire about a suspect’s immigration status.
Anyone who believes that Political Correctness isn’t a killer need only ask the family of Kathryn Steinle.
Kathryn Steinle
Steinle was gunned down on July 2, 2015, while out for an evening stroll with her father along the San Francisco waterfront.
Steinle, 32, had worked for a medical technology company.
And her charged killer?
Francisco Sanchez, 45, has a history of seven felony convictions. He’s been deported to his native Mexico five times, most recently in 2009.
Francisco Sanchez
On March 26, agents of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) turned Sanchez over to San Francisco police on an outstanding warrant.
On March 27, a San Francisco Superior Court judge dismissed charges of possession and distribution of marijuana against Sanchez.
Sanchez was released on April 15.
ICE had issued a detainer for Sanchez in March, requesting to be notified if he would be released. But the detainer was not honored.
So Sanchez was released on April 15–-without anyone notifying ICE.
Seventy-eight days later, illegal alien Francisco Sanchez crossed paths with American citizen Kathryn Steinle-–and killed her.
Robert F. Kennedy, during his three-year tenure as Attorney General, said it best: “Every society gets the kind of criminal it deserves. What is equally true is that every community gets the kind of law enforcement it insists on.”
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BRING ON THE ROACHES–INSECT AND HUMAN: PART ONE (OF TWO)
In Bureaucracy, History, Law, Law Enforcement, Medical, Politics, Social commentary on June 21, 2018 at 1:45 amImagine that, late one night, you wake up and decide to go to the kitchen for a drink of water. You turn on the light—and suddenly find a virtual army of cockroaches hurriedly scurrying across the floor.
In the morning, you call an exterminator, and a “pest control specialist” soon knocks at your door.
“What you need to do,” he says, “is to put out big packets of sugar for the roaches.”
“Wait a minute—don’t roaches love sugar? How is this going to make them go away?”
“It won’t.”
“Then what’s the point?”
“The point is that roaches are God’s creatures, and they need to eat, too.”
A typical cockroach scene
“But they’ve taken over my kitchen. They’re filthy, they leave droppings everywhere and they contaminate the food I’m supposed to eat.”
“You must learn to have compassion for all of God’s creatures, and learn to get along with them.”
“So if I hire you, you’re not going to get rid of them for me?”
“No.”
“So what are you going to do?”
“Help you to accept that they have a right to be a part of your community.”
If a pest control company actually operated like that, how long would they be in business?
Not long.
Yet, in San Francisco, successive mayors and members of the Board of Supervisors operate in exactly that manner toward succeeding waves of human pestilence. And they remain in office for years.
Huge areas of the city are covered in feces, urine, trash and needles. Hospitals overflow with patients that have fallen ill due to the contamination.
NBC News surveyed 153 blocks of the city—an area more than 20 miles. That area includes popular tourist spots like Union Square and the cable car turnaround. It’s bordered by Van Ness Avenue, Market Street, Post Street and Grant Avenue. And it’s also home to City Hall, schools, playgrounds, and a police station.
A typical San Francisco scene
Most of the trash found consisted of heaps of garbage, food, and discarded junk—including 100 drug needles and more than 300 piles of feces throughout downtown. If you step on one of these needles, you can get HIV, Hepatitis C, Hepatitis B or a variety of other viral diseases.
But you don’t have to actually get stuck by a needle to become a victim. Once fecal matter dries, it can become airborne and release deadly viruses, such as the rotavirus.
“If you happen to inhale that, it can also go into your intestine,” says Dr. Lee Riley, an infectious disease specialist at the University of California, Berkeley. The results can prove fatal, especially in children.
As the news unit filmed a typical day’s activity in San Francisco, a group of preschool students, enjoying a field trip, walked to City Hall.
Responding to a reporter’s question, Adelita Orellana said: “We see poop, we see pee, we see needles, and we see trash.
“Sometimes they ask what is it, and that’s a conversation that’s a little difficult to have with a two-year old, but we just let them know that those things are full of germs, that they are dangerous, and they should never be touched.”
San Francisco’s political elite see this blight as well as everyone else. They can’t avoid seeing it, since the city covers 47 square miles.
San Francisco City Hall
Cabe6403 at English Wikipedia [CC BY-SA 3.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0) or GFDL (http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html)%5D, from Wikimedia Commons
One of those who sees the disgrace up-front is Supervisor Hillary Ronen: “Unacceptable. Absolutely unacceptable We’re losing tourists. We’re losing conventions in San Francisco.”
Yet what does she propose as the solution? “We need more temporary beds for street homelessness.”
This is on a par with a “pest control expert” recommending: “We need more sugar to clear up our roach problem.”
Thanks to its mild climate and social programs that dole out cash payments to virtually anyone with no residency requirement, San Francisco is often considered the “homeless capital” of the United States.
According to a 2016 article in the San Francisco Chronicle, there are about 13,000 “homeless” people in San Francisco. Of these, an estimated 3,000 to 5,000 refuse shelter.
In 2016, San Francisco spent $275 million on homelessness—up from $241 million in 2015. Public Works cleanup crews picked up more than 679 tons of trash from homeless tent camps—and collected more than 100,000 used syringes from the camps.
In 2016, San Francisco residents made 22,608 complaints about encampments—a five-fold increase from 2015.
City officials euphemistically call this population “the homeless.” That’s because they don’t want to use words that accurately describe those who comprise the overwhelming majority of this population:
Or, as even many police, social workers and paramedics who wrestle with this population privately refer to them: DDMBs.
Yet the mere citing of statistics—how many “homeless,” how much money is spent on how many people, how much filth they produce—doesn’t capture the true intensity of the problem.
To do that, you must confront its realities at the street level. Which is what we’ll do in Part Two of this series.
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